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of a neutral power. This article was that which cost the greatest difficulty-and Malta was destined to form the pretext, at least, for the re-opening of the war at no distant date.

Meantime, except by a small party, who thought that England should never make peace unless the Bourbon family were restored to the throne of France, this news was received with universal satisfaction throughout Great Britain. "It was," as Mr. Sheridan summed up the matter, "a peace which all men were glad of, and of which no man could be proud." The definitive treaty was signed on the 25th of March, 1802; and nothing could surpass the demonstrations of joy on this occasion, both in London and in Paris, or the enthusiastic display of good-will with which the populace of either capital welcomed the plenipotentiaries.

CHAPTER XVII.

Peace of Amiens-The Concordat-The Legion of Honour-Buona parte President of the Cisalpine Republic-First Consul for Life Grand Mediator of the Helvetic Confederacy-St. DomingoToussaint L'Ouverture-Dissatisfaction of England-Trial_of Peltier-Lord Whitworth-Rupture of the Peace of Amiens-Detention of English Travellers in France.

THE peace of Amiens, like that of Campo-Formio, turned out a mere armistice. It was signed in the midst of mutual suspicion; and the audacious ambition of the French government, from the very day of its ratification, accumulated the elements of an inevitable rupture. The continent, however, had been virtually shut against the English for ten years; and now, in the first eagerness of curiosity, travellers of all ranks, ages, and sexes poured across the channel, to contemplate, with their own eyes, the

scenes and effects of the many wonderful deeds and changes which had been wrought since the outbreaking of the French revolution. The chief object of curiosity was Napoleon himself; and English statesmen, of the highest class, were among those who now thronged the levees of the Tuilleries. Mr. Fox, in particular, seems to have been courted and caressed by the chief consul; and these two great men parted with feelings of mutual admiration. Our countrymen, in general, were received in Paris with extraordinary attentions and civilities; and, for a brief space, the establishment of friendly feelings between the two nations was confidently expected.

The English were agreeably disappointed with the condition of Paris. To their great surprise they found the consular court already arranged, in many particulars, upon the old model of the monarchy, and daily approximating to that example, step by step. Josephine had restored, titles alone excepted, the old language of polite intercourse: Citoyenne had been replaced by Madame; and Citoyen was preparing to make way for Monsieur. The emigrant nobility had flocked back in great numbers; and Buonaparte, dispensing with the awkward services of his aids-de-camp in the interior of the palace, was now attended by chamberlains and other officers of state-chosen, for the most part, from the highest families of the monarchy, and who studiously conducted themselves towards the chief consul exactly as if the crown of Louis XVI. had descended to him by the ordinary laws of inheritance. Napoleon himself, if we may believe Madame de Staël, had the weakness to affect, in many trivial matters, a close imitation of what his new attendants reported to have been the personal demeanour of the Bourbon princes. His behaviour, as the holder of a court, was never graceful. He could not, or would not, control the natural vehemence of his

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temper, and ever and anon confounded the old race of courtiers, by ebullitions which were better suited to the camp than the saloons of the Tuilleries. But whenever he thought fit to converse with a man capable of understanding him, the consul failed not to create a very lively feeling in his own favour; and, meantime, Josephine was admirably adapted to supply his deficiencies in the management of circles and festivals.

The labour which Napoleon underwent at this period, when he was consolidating the administration throughout France (in every department of which intolerable confusion had arisen during the wars and tumults of the preceding years), excited the astonishment of all who had access to his privacy. He exhausted the energies of secretary after secretary; seemed hardly to feel the want of sleep; and yet sustained the unparalleled fatigue without having recourse to any stimulus stronger than lemonade. Of the many great measures adopted and perfected during this short-lived peace we may notice in particular the following:

A decree of the senate, dated 26th of April, 1802, allowed all emigrants to return to France, provided they chose to do so within a certain space of time, and to pledge allegiance to the consular government; and offered to restore to such persons whatever property of theirs, having been confiscated during the revolution, still remained at the disposal of the state. From this amnesty about 500 persons, however, were excepted; these were arranged under five heads, viz. those who had headed bodies of royalist insurgents; who had served in the armies of the allies; who had belonged to the household of the Bourbons during their exile; who had been agents in stirring up foreign or domestic war; and lastly, generals, admirals, representatives of the people, who had been banished for treason to the republic, together with bishops who were obstinate in refusing VOL. I.-S

to accept of the conditions on which the exercise of ecclesiastical functions had been sanctioned by the consuls. The event, in a great measure, justified the prudence of this merciful edict. The far greater part of the emigrants returned, and became peaceful subjects of Napoleon-even although the restoration of forfeited property never took place to any thing like the promised extent. Napoleon, having yielded back a few princely estates to their rightful lords, was, it is said, made aware, by sufficiently significant behaviour on their parts, that they had now obtained all they wished, and would not in future trouble themselves to merit his favour. A few instances of haughty ingratitude may, very probably, have occurred; but the consul, in breaking his word with the despoiled emigrants as a body, was preparing for himself dangers greater than those he removed by permitting their return to France.

A still more important measure was that by which the Romish religion was finally re-established as the national faith. The sparing of the papal dominion after Marengo, and the re-opening of the churches in France, were the preliminaries of the peace which was, at length, signed on the 18th of September, 1802, between the pope and the revolutionary government. This famous concordat was the work of Napoleon himself, who seems to have met with more opposition, whenever he touched the matter of religion, than the men of the revolution, with whom he consulted, thought fit to exhibit on any other occasions whatever. The question was argued one evening, at great length, on the terrace of the garden at Buonaparte's favourite villa of Malmaison.

The chief consul avowed himself to be no believer in Christianity; "But religion," said he, “is a principle which cannot be eradicated from the heart of man." "Who made all that?" said Napoleon, looking up to the heaven, which was clear and starry. "But last Sunday evening," he continued, "I was walking

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here alone when the church bells of the village of Ruel rung at sunset. I was strongly moved, so vividly did the image of early days come back with that sound. If it be thus with me, what must it be with others?—In re-establishing the church," he added, "I consult the wishes of the great majority of my people."

Volney, the celebrated traveller, was present. "You speak of the majority of the people," said he; "if that is to be the rule, recall the Bourbons to-morrow." Napoleon never conversed with this bold infidel afterward.

The concordat gave no satisfaction to the high Catholic party, who considered it as comprehending arrangements wholly unworthy of the dignity of the pope, and the destruction of the authority of the church. The great majority of the nation, however, were wise enough to be contented with conditions which the Vatican had been pleased to admit. The chief articles were these: I. The Roman Catholic religion is recognised as the national faith. II. The pope, in concert with the French government, shall make a new division of diocesses, requiring, if necessary, the resignation of any existing prelate. III. Vacant sees now and henceforth shall be filled by the pope on nominations by the government. IV. No bishops shall hold their sees unless they swear allegiance to the government, and adopt a ritual in which prayers are offered up for the consuls. V. The church livings shall be, like the diocesses, rearranged; and the cures be appointed by the bishop, but not without the approbation of the government VI. The French government shall make provision for the prelates and clergy, and the pope renounces for ever all right to challenge the distribution of church property consequent on the events of the revolutionary period.

The pope, in acceding to these terms, submitted to "the exigence of the times, which," said his holi