Liberty Liberalism A Protest Against Th
The only major study and defense of Adam Smith-style liberalism in Australia, this 1887 work, a long-forgotten classic once again entering the spotlight, is, in the words of author BRUCE SMITH (1851-1937), an Australian lawyer and politician, "a protest against the growing tendency toward undue interference by the state, with individual liberty, private enterprise and the rights of property." Now considered one of the great overlooked intellectuals of the Victorian era, Smith here advocates government withdrawal from social and economic issues, seeing the solution to the misery of the world not in "the iron hand of an act of parliament" but in humanitarianism. With the debate about the proper role of government continues today, this remains a powerful argument for laissez-faire policies.
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Chapter? Some Infirmities of Democratic Government
Chapters Spurious LiberalismModern Instances
Practical Application of the Principles
Socialism and Communism
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Page 80 - First, the people of the colonies are descendants of Englishmen. England, Sir, is a nation, which still I hope respects, and formerly adored, her freedom. The colonists emigrated from you, when this part of your character was most predominant ; and they took this bias and direction the moment they parted from your hands. They are therefore not only devoted to hberty, but to liberty according to English ideas, and on English principles.
Page 82 - Their love of liberty, as with you, fixed and attached on this specific point of taxing. Liberty might be safe, or might be endangered in twenty other particulars, without their being much pleased or alarmed. Here they felt its pulse ; and as they found that beat, they thought themselves sick or sound.
Page 92 - You will observe, that from magna charta to the declaration of right, it has been the uniform policy of our constitution to claim and assert our liberties, as an entailed inheritance derived to us from our forefathers, and to be transmitted to our posterity ; as an estate specially belonging to the people of this kingdom, without any reference whatever to any other more general or prior right.
Page 84 - Reflect how you are to govern a people who think they ought to be free and think they are not. Your scheme yields no revenue, it yields nothing but discontent, disorder, disobedience...
Page 104 - The farmer attempts to make neither the one nor the other, but employs those different artificers. All of them find it for their interest to employ their whole industry in a way in which they have some advantage over their neighbours, and to purchase with a part of its produce, or what is the same thing, with the price of a part of it, whatever else they have occasion for. What is prudence in the conduct of every private family, can scarce be folly in that of a great kingdom.
Page 165 - Our rulers will best promote the improvement of the nation by strictly confining themselves to their own legitimate duties, by leaving capital to find its most lucrative course, commodities their fair price, industry and intelligence their natural reward, idleness and folly their natural punishment...
Page 103 - ... himself with a most. unnecessary attention, but assume an authority which could safely be trusted, not only to no single person, but to no council or senate whatever, and which would nowhere be so dangerous as in the hands of a man who had folly and presumption enough to fancy himself fit to exercise it.
Page 103 - The statesman, who should attempt to direct private people in what manner they ought to employ their capitals, would not only load himself with a most unnecessary attention but assume an authority which could safely be trusted not only to no single person but to no council or senate whatever, and which would nowhere be so dangerous as in the hands of a man who had folly and presumption enough to fancy...
Page 83 - When this child of ours wishes to assimilate to its parent, and to reflect with a true filial resemblance the beauteous countenance of British liberty, are we to turn to them the shameful parts of our constitution ? are we to give them our weakness for their strength, our opprobrium for their glory, and the slough of slavery, which we are not able to work off, to serve them for their freedom ? * Lord Carmarthen.
Page 164 - A people among whom there is no habit of spontaneous action for a collective Interest, who look habitually to their Government to command or prompt them In all matters of joint concern, who expect to have everything done for them except what can be made an affair of mere habit and routine, have their faculties only half developed. Their education is defective In one of Its most important branches.
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