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was created was Christ, and so the loss of that image was the death of Christ, and the restoring of it in generation was Christ's resurrection, and so the death of him that was born of the Virgin Mary was but a manifestation of the former. In their letters &c. they condemned all ordinances in the church, calling baptism an abomination, and the Lord's supper the juice of a poor silly grape turned into the blood of Christ by the skill of our magicians &c. yet upon examination they would say they did allow them to be the ordinances of Christ; but their meaning was that they were to continue no longer than the infancy of the church lasted (and but to novices then) for after the revelation was written they were to cease, for there is no mention of them, say they, in that book.

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They were all illiterate men, the ablest of them could not write true English, no not common words, yet they would take upon them the interpretation of the most difficult places of scripture, and wrest them any way to serve their own turns: as to give one instance for many. Mr. Cotton pressing them with that in Acts 10. Who can forbid water why these should not be baptized-so he commanded them to be baptized' they interpret thus. Who can deny but these have been baptized, seeing they have received the Holy Ghost &c. so he allowed them to have been baptized. This shift they were put to that they might maintain their former opinion, That such as have been baptized with the Holy Ghost need not the outward baptism.

The court and the elders spent near a whole day in discovery of Gorton's deep mysteries which he had boasted of in his letters, and to bring him to conviction, but all was in vain. Much pains was also taken with the rest, but to as little effect. They would acknowledge no error or fault in their writings, and yet would seem sometimes to consent with us in the truth.

After all these examinations the court began to consult about their sentence. The judgment of the elders also had been demanded about their blasphemous speeches and opinions, what punishment was due by the word of God. Their answer was first in writing, that if they should maintain them as expressed in their writings, their offence deserved death by the law of God. The same some of them declared after in open court. But before the court would proceed to determine of their sentence, they agreed first upon their charge, and then calling them all publicly they declared to them what they had to charge them without of their letter and speeches. Their charge was this, viz. They were charged to be blasphemous enemies of the true religion of our Lord Jesus Christ, and of all his holy ordinances, and likewise of all civil government among his people, and particularly within this jurisdiction. Then they were demanded whether they did acknowledge this charge to be just, and did submit to it, or what expectations they had against it. They answered they did not acknowledge it to be just, but they took no particular exceptions to it, but fell into some caviling speeches, so they were returned to prison again. Being in prison they behaved insolently towards their keeper, and spake evil of the magistrates-Whereupon some of the magistrates

were very earnest to have irons presently put upon them. Others thought it better to forbear all such severity 'till their sentence were passed. This latter opinion prevailed. After divers means had been used both in public and private to reclaim them, and all proving fruitless, the court proceeded to consider of their sentence: in which the court was much divided. All the magistrates, save three, were of opinion that Gorton ought to die, but the greatest number of the deputies dissenting, that vote did not pass. In the end all agreed upon this sentence-for seven of them, viz. that they should be dispersed into seven several towns, and there kept to work for their living, and wear irons upon one leg, and not to depart the limits of the town, nor by word or writing maintain any of their blasphemous or wicked errors upon pain of death, only the exception for speech with any of the elders, or any other licensed by any magistrate to confer with them; this censure to continue during the pleasure of the court."

"The court finding that Gorton and his company did harm in the towns where they were confined, and not knowing what to do with them, at length agreed to set them at liberty, and gave them 14 days to depart out of our jurisdiction in all parts, and no more to come into it upon pain of death. This censure was thought too light and favorable, but we knew not how in justice we could inflict any punishment upon them, the sentence of the court being already passed &c."

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Account of the Quakers, their Persecutions, &c.*—"In the year 1656 began what has been generally and not improperly called the persecution of the Quakers. Two years before, an order had been made that every inhabitant who had in their custody any of the books of John Reeves and Lodowick Muggleton, who pretend to be the two last witnesses and prophets of Jesus Christ,' which books were said to be full of blasphemies, should bring or send them in to the next magistrate within one month on pain of ten pounds for each book remaining in any person's hands after that time, but no person appeared openly professing the opinions of the quakers until July, 1656, when Mary Fisher and Ann Austin arrived from Barbados. A few weeks after arrived in the ship Speedwell of London, Robert Lock, master, nine more of these itinerants, whose names' after the flesh,' the language they used to the officers sent to make enquiry, were William Brend, Thomas Thurston, Christopher Holder, John Copeland, Richard Smith, Mary Prince, Dorothy Waugh, Sarah Gibbons, and Mary Witherhead. On the 8th of September they were brought before the court of assistants and being examined and each of them questioned how they could make it appear that God sent them, after a pause they answered that they had the same call which Abraham had to go out of his country; to other questions they gave rude and contemptuous answers, which is the reason assigned for committing them to prison. A great number of their books which they had brought over with intent to scatter them about the country were seized and reserved for

* This account is copied from Gov. Hutchinson's "History of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay." It is believed to be the most authentic and unprejudiced account to be found, which was written at that period.

the fire. Soon after this, as the governor was going from the publick worship on the Lord's day to his own house, several gentlemen accompanying him, Mary Prince called to him from a window of the prison, railing at and reviling him, saying Woe unto thee, thou art an oppressor; and denouncing the judgments of God upon him. Not content with this, she wrote a letter to the governor and magistrates filled with opprobrious stuff. The governor sent for her twice from the prison to his house and took much pains to persuade her to desist from such extravagancies. Two of the ministers were present, and with much moderation and tenderness endeavoured to convince her of her errors, to which she returned the grossest railings, reproaching them as hirelings, deceivers of the people, Baal's priests, the seed of the serpent, of the brood of Ishmael and the like.

The court passed sentence of banishment against them all, and required the master of the ship in which they came, to become bound with sureties to the value of five hundred pounds to carry them all away, and caused them to be committed to prison until the ship should be ready to sail. At this time there was no special provision by law for the punishment of quakers; they came within a colony law against hereticks in general. At the next sessions of the general court, the 14th of October following, an act passed laying a penalty of one hundred pounds upon the master of any vessel who should bring a known quaker into any part of the colony, and requiring him to give security to carry them back again, that the quaker should be immediately sent to the house of correction and whipped twenty stripes, and afterwards kept to hard labor until transportation. They also laid a penalty of five pounds for importing and the like for dispersing quakers books, and severe penalties for defending their heretical opinions. And the next year an additional law was made by which all persons were subjected to the penalty of forty shillings for every hour's entertainment given to any known quaker, and any quaker after the first conviction if a man, was to lose one ear, and the second time the other, a woman, each time to be severely whipped, and the third time man or woman to have their tongues bored through with a red hot iron, and every quaker, who should become such in the colony, were subjected to the like punishments. In May 1658 a penalty of ten shillings was laid on every person present at a quaker's meeting, and five pounds upon every one speaking at such meeting. Notwithstanding all this severity, the number of quakers, as might well have been expected, increasing rather than diminishing, in October following a further law was made for punishing with death all quakers who should return into the jurisdiction after banishment. That some provision was necessary against these people so far as they were disturbers of civil peace and order, every one will allow, but such sanguinary laws against particular doctrines or tenets in religion are not to be defended. The most that can be said for our ancestors is that they tried gentler means at first, which they found utterly ineffectual, and that they followed the example of the authorities in most other states and in most ages of the world, who with the like absurdity have

supposed every person could and ought to think as they did, and with the like cruelty have punished such as appeared to differ from them. We may add that it was with reluctance that these unnatural laws were carried into execution, as we shall see by a further account of proceedings. Nicholas Upshall was apprehended in October 1656, fined twenty pounds and banished for reproaching the magistrates and speaking against the law made against quakers, and returning in 1659 was imprisoned. At the same court William Robinson, Marmaduke Stephenson, Mary Dyer and Nicholas Davis were brought to trial. The first gave no particular account of himself. Stephenson had made a publick disturbance in the congregation at Boston the 15th of June before. He acknowledged himself to be one of those the world called quakers, and declared that in the year 1656 at Shipton in Yorkshire as he was at plough he saw nothing but heard an audible voice saying, 'I have ordained thee to be a prophet to the nations,' &c. Dyer declared that she came from Rhode Island to visit the quakers, that she was of their religion which she affirmed was the truth, and that the light within her was the rule, &c. Davis came from Barnstable, he came into court with his hat on, confessed he, had forsaken the ordinances and resorted to the quakers. The jury found that they were all quakers.' Robinson was whipped 20 stripes for abusing the court, and they were all banished on pain of death.

Patience Scott, a girl of about eleven years of age, came I suppose from Providence, her friends lived there, and professing herself to be one of those whom the world in scorn calls quakers was committed to prison, and afterwards brought to court. The record stands thus. The court duly considering the malice of Satan and his instruments by all means and ways to propagate error and disturb the truth, and bring in confusion among us, that Satan is put to his shifts to make use of such a child not being of the years of discretion, nor understanding the principles of religion, judge meet so far as to slight her as a quaker as only to admonish and instruct her according to her capacity and so discharge her, Capt. Hutchinson undertaking to send her home.' Strange that such a child should be imprisoned! it would have been horrible if there had been any further severity.

Robinson, Stephenson and Dyer at the next general court were brought upon trial, and for their rebellion, sedition, and presumptuous obtruding themselves after banishment upon pain of death,' were sentenced to die; the two first were executed the 27th of October. Dyer, upon the petition of William Dyer her son, was reprieved on condition that she departed the jurisdiction in 48 hours and if she returned to suffer the sentence. She was carried to the gallows and stood with a rope about her neck until the others were executed. She was so infatuated as afterwards to return and was executed June 1st, 1660. The court thought it advisable to publish a vindication of their proceedings; they urge the example of England in the provision made against jesuits, which might have some weight against a charge brought from thence, but in every other part of their vindication, as may well be supposed from the nature of the thing, there is but the

bare shadow of reason. Christopher Holder who had found the way into the jurisdiction again, was at this court banished upon pain of death. At the same court seven or eight persons were fined, some as high as ten pounds, for entertaining quakers, and Edward Wharton for piloting them from one place to another was ordered to be whipped twenty stripes and bound to his good behavior. Divers others were then brought upon trial for adhering to the cursed sect of quakers not disowning themselves to be such, refusing to give civil respect, leaving their families and relations and running from place to place vagabonds like,' and Daniel Gold was sentenced to be whipped thirty stripes, Robert Harper fifteen, and they with Alice Courland, Mary Scott and Hope Clifton banished upon pain of death, William Kingsmill whipped fifteen stripes, Margaret Smith, Mary Trask and Provided Southwick ten stripes each, and Hannah Phelps admonished. The compassion of the people was moved and many resorted to the prison by day and night, and upon a representation of the keeper a constant watch was kept round the prison to keep people off.

Joseph Nicholson and Jane his wife were also tried and found quakers, as also Wendlock Christopherson, who declared in court that the scripture is not the word of God, and Mary Standley, and all sentenced to banishment, &c. as was soon after Benjamin Bellflower, but John Chamberlain though he came with his hat on yet refusing directly to answer, the jury found him, much inclining to the cursed opinions of the quakers,' and he escaped with an admonition.

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Nicholson and his wife returned and were apprehended, but upon their petition had liberty with several others then in prison to go for England. Christopherson returned also and was sentenced to die. It is said he desired the court to consider what they had gained by their cruel proceedings. For the last man (says he) that was put to death here are five come in his room, and if you have power to take my life from me God can raise up the same principle of life in ten of his servants and send them among you in my room that you may have torment upon torment.' He was ordered to be executed the fifth day sevennight after the 14th of March 1660, afterwards reprieved till the 13th of June, but he was set at liberty upon his request to the court and went out of the jurisdiction.

Bellflower afterwards in court renounced his opinions, as also William King (Kingsmill I suppose) the only instances upon record. Chamberlain was afterwards apprehended again and found a quaker and committed to close prison, but no further sentence appears.

In September, 1660, William Ledea was tried and convicted of being a quaker and sentenced to banishment, &c. but returning and being apprehended, the general court gave him liberty notwithstanding to go to England with Nicholson and others, but he refused to leave the country and was brought upon trial for returning into the jurisdiction after sentence of banishment, acknowledged himself to be the person but denied their authority, and told the court that 'with the spirit they called the devil he worshipped God, and their ministers were deluders and they themselves murderers.' He was told that he

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