act destructive of his liberty, or the liberties of those bound to him by the strongest ties of sympathy? To the philanthropist, what source of greater unhappiness than that page which records the destruction of thousands by the iron arm of war, the cruelty of some tyranny or despotism showing at once how man can be influenced by the wild fury of his passions, to deeds of the darkest dye? These are sources of reflection far from being happy ones; for though the man of these States may, as he reads of these, thank "high heaven" that our government is not like those; still, though that may be a pleasing reflection for a moment, he will be led to review her institutions, and the state of society on which they depend, and there find many things over which to lament; he will then find that the passions which influenced men in former days, continue to influence them now, however much the show of them may be modified by time or fashion.

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THE STREAM OF TENDENCIES.

WHITHER is the stream of tendencies? To what are we hastening? As I review the course of history, it seems to me the world is hastening to some great event; or rather, great events are taking place, or rapidly hastening to their consummation. The light of a new era seems bursting upon us, which is fast increasing to meridian splendor.

He who reflects upon the pages of history, will perceive that the world has ever been progressing; though perhaps that progress may not always have been as rapid as in the present age, in that which, both politically and morally, tends to give man his correct station: to make him know and appreciate his high destiny, and inspire him with a noble benevolence and disinterestedness. Selfishness has long been the ruling spirit in the affairs of men; but each generation, as it passes away, does and will perceive that it has less and less influence; and men will more and more, each successive age, pay regard to that command which contains within it the germs of all civilization, and is man's surest guide of conduct, "thou

shalt love thy neighbor as thyself." It is the lack of the principle of universal benevolence inculcated in this command, which has been the cause of almost all the horrors recorded in the pages of history. From the earliest periods, we have seen the selfishness of governments, sometimes shown in the despotism of a single person, sometimes in that of the many. Before the Christian era, the religion of the people, their habits and dispositions, and their idolatry, directly encouraged it; since that period, it has, to the present time, been giving way, slowly indeed, to nobler convictions-though at times it would seem that better sentiments had no room in the human heart; yet each revolution, each dark age, has more clearly developed their necessity. Formerly, nations, as individuals—they appear to have been but as individuals, since the will of one person declared their action were guided only by the impulse of the moment, as they were governed by feelings of revenge, ambition, avarice, or fear. Did a nation deem itself insulted, or did another seem to interpose between it and its base desires, war or other injury was at once determined upon by its rulers, without consulting the interests of its neighbors, any further than they might be made subservient to their own purposes; they scarce consulted their own sub

jects further than to inquire if they were able to carry out their views. Gradually this has been, and is changing. The truth is becoming more and more apparent, that men are "created equal, and endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights." Men feel more and more forcibly that they have a common interest. No great event takes place, but truth is developed, brighter and brighter. The world is not now, as centuries since, enveloped in darkness. People are not now slaves to ignorance; but they have progressed in knowledge, and they demand that principles of government should be made to conform to that progress. Enlightened governments are no more to consult merely their own interest, but to learn that the interest of the people is to be their guide of conduct; that man has no natural authority over his fellow man; and that their only proper power is such as is granted them by the governed, to be exercised for their sole benefit. As we look upon the various governments of the age, do we not see that they are approaching nearer and nearer this important state? Have not France and England particularly shown it in their legislation during the past century? Have not the other governments of Europe been drawing nearer the same liberal principle? Or if they have not, has not their legislation shown

that their people are coming to the resolution that such shall be the case? If France have fortified Paris, it will prove but a weak struggle to resist that which will, sooner or later, weaken its improper power, and disrobe it of those habiliments which might better become a darker age? No! the armaments of war have no longer their former power; public opinion has become a far more potent instrument.

It is believed by men who have considered the subject, (indeed, every newspaper bears on its face the evidence,) that the present aristocratic governments of Europe must, in a great degree, if not entirely, before many centuries pass away, yield to the wishes of their subjects, and give place to forms, acknowledging the will of the majority, instead of holding all power in the hands of the few. The rulers of other countries and their subjects have long been directing their gaze towards the government of the United States; they have watched with eagerness the workings of that constitution formed upon the democratic principle of "equal rights and equal justice." More than threescore years have passed away since our government was formed; and, under its operations, the people have from time to time effected, in peace, such changes, such revolutions, as, with other nations, would have called forth