lingered in the notion that our military system was an apparatus sufficing for war. But the duke had not an authority proportioned to the merits which a reader of his despatches and letters would be inclined to attribute to him. Perhaps the very zeal with which he seized and adapted his ideas of the outer public, was one of the causes which tended to lessen his weight; for he who comes into council with common and popular views, however likely it may be that he will get them assented to, can scarcely hope to kindle men's minds with the fire that springs from a man's own thought, and from his own strong will. Moreover, it was by a kind of chance, rather than of intentional selection, that the Duke of Newcastle had been entrusted with the momentous business of the war; and, seemingly, it was only from this circumstance that the propriety of his continuing to hold the office was afterwards brought into question by one of his principal colleagues. They did not perversely thwart him in the business of the war; but, on the other hand, they did not at all fasten themselves to his measures like men who would stand or fall with him. The Duke of Newcastle had not the gift of knowing how to surround himself with able assistants; and it was his misfortune to be without that precious aid which a minister commonly finds in the permanent staff of his office. At the outbreak of hostilities, the little body of distinct public offices, on which the military administration depended, was in a condition unfit to meet the exigencies of war. The first army surgeon who applied for certain of the medical stores, required on foreign service, was met with no less than five official theories as to the functionary upon whom the demand should be made; and when, in the month of June, the scattered departments connected with the land service were gathered at last into one, the office thus newly formed was, after all, so ill instituted as to be wanting in some of the simplest appliances required for the transaction of business." Thus much for a man who was made the scapegoat, and abused far beyond his deserts."

Ministers having resigned, it was no easy thing, in a time of such difficulty, to find successors. The queen sent for Lord John Russell: he accepted her commands to form an administration; but he found insurmountable obstacles in the way. Lord Derby had previously declined the attempt altogether. The country was in a dilemma. At such a time, to be without a government was a serious matter. The queen consulted again the Marquis of Lansdowne (it seems she acted under his advice all the way through); and his answer was-send for Lord Palmerston. His lordship was sent for, and accepted office. A ministry was formed out of the materials of the old, with this exception-his lordship had lost the services of the Earl of Aberdeen, Lord John Russell, and the Duke of Newcastle; and gained, as Minister at War, Lord Panmure.

Lord Panmure came of that northern race known, all the world over, according to Mr. Kinglake, for the light crisp hair, and the clear grey eye, known especially in the men of the south, for their full understanding of the art of taking care of themselves and their relations. In his lordship's case this natural tendency was remarkably illustrated. One day, in the crisis of the war, the commander of her majesty's forces in the Crimea, was alarmed by the receipt of a telegram from the War Office, requesting him to "take care of Dowb." Who or what was Dowb? Did it denote some Crimean fort, or a living specimen of flesh and blood? The question was deeply, anxiously discussed. Back to the War Office telegraphed the bewildered Simpson; when the answer came, that Dowb was a contraction for Dowbiggin, a relative of my Lord Panmure. The career of this nobleman (now the Earl of Dalhousie) had not been an unsuccessful one. He was born in 1801, at Brechin Castle, Scotland; educated at the Charter-house; and, as Mr. Fox Maule, entered the army as an ensign in the 79th Highlanders; served for several years on the staff of his uncle, and retired with the rank of captain. He commenced his political career in Forfarshire, in 1835, when he contested the county in the Whig interest, and was returned by a triumphant majority. On the formation of the Melbourne administration, he became Under-Secretary for the Home Department; and, although ejected from the representation of Perthshire in 1837, he retained

his office, and was, in 1838, restored to the House of Commons as member for the Elgin boroughs. Elected a second time, in 1841, as member for Perth, he figured for a brief period as Vice-President of the Board of Trade; and, on the restoration of the Whigs to power in 1846, became a cabinet minister and Secretary at War. In that post he continued till 1852, when the expiration of the East India Company's charter rendering it necessary to have a minister of influence to direct the affairs of India, he was promoted to the Presidency of the Board of Control. The dissolution, however, of the Russell cabinet prevented Mr. Fox Maule trying his powers as an Indian reformer; and, having succeeded his father in the peerage, soon after took his place in the House of Lords. He had the wisdom not to take office in the coalition cabinet; but accepted, under Lord Palmerston, the difficult post of Secretary at War. The Premier paid his colleague a high compliment when he spoke of him as a perfect master of all the principles which regulate an army, and of all the details. Another appointment, made at this time, created no little remark. Lord John Russell was to serve under Lord Palmerston, as British plenipotentiary in the peace conference about to open at Vienna.

To a crowded and attentive audience, on February 16th, Lord Palmerston rose to make his first statement as head of the government of the country. It was a proud moment for him. He had attained the object of his ambition; he had won the prize in the political arena. He was now openly acknowledged to the world as the first statesman of his day. Apparently, his elevation made no difference to him. He was still the Palmerston of old-flippant, unpretending, avoiding all rhetorical flourishes; in seeming all things to all men; in reality, unbending and subtle as ever. Having referred to the circumstances connected with the downfall of the Aberdeen administration, his lordship continued-"The present government was then formed; and I trust it contains sufficient administrative ability, sufficient political sagacity, sufficient liberal principle, and sufficient patriotism and determination, to omit no effort to fulfil the duties the members have undertaken, and to justify me in appealing to the House and to the country for such support as men may be considered entitled to receive, who, in a period of great difficulty and emergency, have undertaken the responsibility of carrying on the government.

"With regard to Mr. Roebuck's motion," said his lordship, "I will not attempt to conceal that I feel the same objection to the appointment of a committee, of which he has given notice, as I did when the subject was first under discussion. My opinion is, that such a committee would, in its action, not be in accordance with the true and just principles of the constitution; and that it would not be, for the effectual accomplishment of its purpose, a sufficient instrument. He trusted that the House would at least assent to suspend its decision. The reason he would ask it so to do, would be his belief that the government would of itself do all that was possible to be done. As an English king rode up to an insurrection, and offered to be its leader, so the government offered the House of Commons to be its committee. The object of those who voted for the committee, was to compel the government to such administrative improvements as would restore vigour to the service. The House was aware," continued his lordship, "that he had not felt it to be his duty to recommend her majesty to appoint a Secretary at War; and his opinion was, that in regard to the ordnance, great improvements might be effected, and that the discipline of the artillery and the engineers might be transferred to the Commander-in-Chief. The transport service would be under the superintendence of a Board, to be established for that purpose. Fresh alarm, and well-founded complaints, had prevailed as to the condition of the sick and wounded in the hospitals; and the government were going to send out a commission of civilians, accustomed to deal with sanitary questions, with ample power to examine into the state of hospitals, camps, and ships. Lord Raglan had also been authorised to send to Constantinople for a corps of labourers, whose duty it would be to cleanse the camp. Many complaints had been made-he believed not without foundation-of the want of system in the commissariat department, as regarded the supply and issue of the

necessaries for the army; and a commission was going to be sent out, at the head of which was Sir J. M'Neil, to examine the defects of the commissariat department, and with full power to put it right. Major-General Simpson was likewise proceeding to the Crimea, as chief of the staff, to take the control of the quartermaster-general's and adjutant-general's departments, with power to recommend to Lord Raglan any change of persons. A new hospital was to be established at Smyrna, entirely under the management of civilians; and the Secretary of War was going completely to remodel the medical department at home. He would also introduce into the other House, a bill to enable her majesty to enlist for soldiers under the present limit, and for a shorter time. The commissariat abroad, he had omitted to state, had been charged, not merely with the supply and issue of provisions, and other necessaries, but also with the means of transporting them. This had been a source of great difficulty. And there would be a separate department of land transport, akin to the ancient waggon-train. He trusted that the House would be disposed to see the effects which these improved arrangements would make. In addition to them, no efforts would be spared to reinforce our army. Certain conditions as to negotiations for peace had been opened at Vienna. The government had proposed that Lord John Russell should conduct them on the part of this country; and he had consented. If," said Lord Palmerston, in conclusion, "we succeed in obtaining peace on terms which afford security, for the future, against those disturbances of the peace of Europe which have led to the war, we shall feel that our first desire in undertaking the government at this moment, has been accomplished in a manner as satisfactory to the country as ourselves. But if, on the other hand, we fail, then the country will feel that we have no alternative but to go on with the war; and I am convinced that the country will, with greater zeal than ever, give its support to a government which, having made every possible attempt to obtain peace, and having failed in doing so, has been compelled to carry on the war for the purpose of obtaining those results which the sense and the judgment of this country have approved. We shall then throw ourselves upon the generous support of parliament and the country; and that generous support, I am confident, we shall not ask in vain. I feel sure that, in such a state of things, all minor differences, all mere party shades of distinction will vanish; and that men of all sides will feel that they might support the government of this country, and show the world the noble and glorious spectacle, that a free people and a constitutional government can exhibit a life, a spirit, and an energy, a power of endurance and a vigour of action, that would be vainly sought for under a despotic rule and arbitrary sway."

This programme of action found little favour either with the House or the country at large. It was clear the Premier was more anxious to patch up the wounds and imperfections which the late disasters had revealed in our execrable military system, than to cure and eradicate them. Mr. Layard, fresh from the Crimea, sharply criticised Lord Palmerston's propositions. "The country," he exclaimed, "is sick of these commissions. The country wants a man. me be told that you cannot get a man: that is an insult to the common sense of the country. If your man, however, must be seventy years old, a member of Brooks', and one who has always voted with the government, I grant that you may not find one of that class and stamp fitted for the duties which are required of him."

Don't let

Lord Palmerston had succeeded in forming a cabinet, but not a very united one. By the 22nd of February, Mr. Gladstone, Sir James Graham, and Mr. Sidney Herbert had resigned their respective offices. Their motive for abandoning the ministry was said to be, by themselves, in their places in parliament, the stroug objection they had to the proposed inquiry, by a select committee of the House of Commons, into the state of the army, and the causes of the disasters in the Crimea. A year or two later, on occasion of being reproached by a political opponent with having deserted the ministry in an hour of peril, Mr. Gladstone replied—“ I never

left the government of my own free-will. I left the government of 1855 because I was obliged to leave it because Lord Palmerston had changed his mind on a matter of important public policy. In January, 1855, there was a proposal for a committee to inquire into the state of the army before Sebastopol. The government, of which Lord Palmerston was a member, believed that the committee could not lead to any satisfactory result. Lord Palmerston was so strongly of that opinion, that we all resigned our offices in January, 1855, rather than consent to that committee. Three weeks after, the subject of the committee was resumed. I continued of the same opinion. Lord Palmerston changed his, and consented to the committee; and, as I continued unchanged, he would not permit me to remain, and I was compelled to quit office. I defy any man to contradict what I now state. I do not like to trouble the meeting thus; but, as you have chosen to open the subject, I must continue it a few moments longer. The Sebastopol committee was appointed: the Sebastopol committee reported a most severe censure upon the whole of the government of Lord Aberdeen, to which Lord Palmerston and I belonged. The report of the committee was presented to the House of Commons. Mr.. Roebuck proposed a resolution on it. There was a division in the House. Lord Palmerston voted to give the go-by to that committee by, in parliamentary language, moving the previous question. I voted for a consideration of the report, for I wanted to have the judgment of parliament upon the question. Lord Palmerston stopped the judgment of parliament at that time: but he afterwards sent a commission to the Crimea. The commission came home, and made a report: that report received the approval of the country; but I need not tell you, for you all know, how the commissioners, Sir John M'Neil and Colonel Tulloch, were treated by Lord Palmerston." Lord Palmerston soon filled up the vacant offices. The Chancellorship of the Exchequer was offered to Mr. Cardwell, who not only refused it, but resigned, that he might side with his fellow Peelites. The office was subsequently accepted by Sir George Cornewall Lewis, a man of rare industry and vast accomplishments, and who fell a victim to his laborious zeal.

Sir George Cornewall Lewis, born in 1806, was educated at Eton, and at Christchurch, Oxford, where, in 1828, he was first class in classics, and second in mathematics. Having been called to the bar in 1831, he was appointed to serve on the commission of inquiry into the relief of the poor, and into the state of the church in Ireland, in 1835; and on the commission of inquiry into the affairs of Malta, in 1836. In 1839, he became a poor-law commissioner. In 1847, he entered parliament as M.P. for Hertfordshire, and was, first, Secretary to the Board of Control; subsequently, Under-Secretary for the Home Department; and then one of the secretaries to the Treasury. He was an unsuccessful candidate for Hertfordshire at the general election in 1852, and at Peterborough soon afterwards; but, upon the death of his father, in 1855, he succeeded him in the representation of the Radnor boroughs. As a literary man, his reputation stood deservedly high. At one time he was the editor of the Edinburgh Review. His works are many, and on subjects chiefly historical or political; such as-The Romance Language; The Use and Abuse of Political Terms; Local Disturbances, and the Irish Church Question; On the Government of Dependencies; On the Influence of Authority in Matters of Opinion; On Methods of Observation and Reasoning in Politics; On the Credibility of Early Roman History, &c. As a debater, originally Sir Cornewall Lewis had not much weight in the House. His style of speaking was heavy, and destitute of life; but he had very much improved by practice; and his loss was felt and lamented by men of all parties in the state.

One appointment, at this time, created considerable astonishment. Lord John Russell joined the ministry as Colonial Secretary, he being already plenipotentiary to the congress of Vienna. It was urged, in objection, that either of these positions was sufficient to engross the complete attention of one man: but