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der their leader Phalantus, they settled in Magna Græcia, and built Tarentum, A. A. C. 707. Justin, Strabo, Paus. Plut.

PARTHENIUM, in botany, bastard feverfew, or kiu-hoa of the Chinese, a genus of the pentandria order, belonging to the monocia class of plants; and in the natural method ranking under the forty-ninth order. composite. The MALE CAL. is common and pentaphyllous; the florets of the disk monopetalous: the FEMALE has five florets of the radius, each with two male florets behind it: the intermediate female superior; the seed is naked. It has been much neglected in Europe, having on account of its smell been banished from our parterres. It is therefore indebted for its culture to the distinguished rank it holds among the Chinese flowers. The skill of the florists, and their continual care, have brought this plant to so great perfection that Europeans scarcely know it. The elegance and lightness of its branches, the beautiful indentation of its leaves, the splendor and duration of its flowers, seem indeed to justify the florimania of the Chinese for this plant. They have, by their attention to its culture, procured more than 300 species or varieties of it: every year produces a new one. Parthenium is propagated in China by seeds, and by suckers, grafts, and slips. When the florists have a fine plant, they suffer the seeds to ripen, and about the end of autumn Sow them in well-prepared earth. Some keep them in this manner quring winter, others sow them in spring. Provided they are watered after the winter, they shoot forth, and grow rapidly. After the parthenium is flowered, all its branches are cut three inches from the root, the earth is hoed around, and a little dung is mixed with it; and, when the cold becomes severe, the plant is covered with straw, or an inverted pot. Those that are in vases are transported to the greenhouse, where they are uncovered and watered, and they shoot forth a number of stems; of these some florists leave only two or three, others pull up the stalk, together with the whole root, and divide it into several portions, which they transplant elsewhere. Some join two slips of different colors, in each of which, towards the bottom, they make a long notch, almost to the pith, and afterwards tie them together with packthread, that they may remain closely united: by these means they obtain beautiful flowers, variegated with whatever colors they choose. Parthenium requires a good exposure, and fresh moist air that circulates freely: when shut up closely, it soon languishes. The earth in which it is planted ought to be rich, moist, and loamy, and prepared with great care. For refreshing it, the Chinese use only rain or river water; and in spring they mix with this water the excrements of silkworms, or the dung of poultry; in summer they leave the feathers of ducks or fowls to infuse in it for several days, after having thrown into it a little saltpetre; but in autumn they mix with the water a greater or smaller quantity of dried excrement reduced to powder, according as the plant appears more or less vigorous. During the great heats of summer, they water it morning and evening; but they moisten the leaves only in the morning they also place small fragments

of brick round its root, to prevent the water from pressing down the earth too much.

PARTHENIUS, in geography, a mountain of Arcadia, where Telephus had a temple, and on which Atalantis was exposed. Paus. viii. 54. Elian 13.

PARTHENON, Пap0ɛvoç, a virgin, in ancient architecture, the appeilation given to the celebrated Grecian temple of Minerva, who was often herself designated Ilap0evos, or virgin, and worshipped with the most profound adoration in the citadel of Athens. The temple thus called was built during the splendid era of Pericles; and the expenses of its erection were estimated at 6000 talents. It was built upon a spot elevated on all sides above the town and citadel; of the Doric order; constructed of Pentelican marble; and from its breadth (100 Greek feet) was denominated by the ancients Hecatompedon.

The Parthenon was 220 Greek feet in length, and about sixty-nine in height. Its portico was double at the two fronts, and single at the sides. On the exterior façade of the nave was represented a procession in honor of Minerva. The two architects employed by Pericles in the building of this superb and elegant edifice were Callicrates and Ictinus. This magnificent temple had resisted all the outrages of time; had been in turn converted into a Christian church and a Turkish mosque; but still subsisted entire when Spon and Wheeler visited Attica in 1676. It was in the year 1687 that the Venetians besieged the citadel of Athens under the command of General Konigsmarck. A bomb fell most unluckily on the devoted Parthenon, set fire to the powder which the Turks had shut up therein, and thus the roof was entirely destroyed, and the whole building almost reduced to ruin. The Venetian general, being afterwards desirous of carrying off the statue of Minerva which had adorned the pediment, had it removed, thereby assisting in the defacement of the place without any good result to himself—for the group fell to the ground and was shattered to pieces. Since this period every man of taste must have deplored the demolition of this noble structure, and the enlightened travellers who have visited the spot have successively published engravings of its remains. One of the first of these was Le Roy, in his Ruins of Greece; after him came Stuart, who, possessing greater pecuniary means, surpassed his predecessor in producing a beautiful and interesting work on the Athenian Antiquities. Chandler, and other travellers in Greece, have also described what came under their eye of the remains of the Parthenon, of which many models have likewise been executed. M. Cassas (says Millin) has a very fine one in his valuable cabinet of models of antique temples and other monuments. There is another in the Galerie d'Architecture au Palais des Arts, at Paris, &c. &c.

But, not content with these artistical labors and publications, more recent travellers have enriched their country and themselves with the actual spoils of the Parthenon. The foremost of these is our fellow-countryman lord Elgin, who, about the year 1800, removed a variety of the matchless friezes, statues, &c., which were pur

chased of him by parliament on the part of the nation, and now form the most valuable and interesting portion of the British Museum. See ELGIN MARBLES. A part of his lordship's precious treasure was, however, to the regret of all lovers of the fine arts, lost in the passage to England.

PARTHIA, a celebrated empire of antiquity, bounded on the west by Media, north by llyrcania, east by Aria, south by Carmania the desert; surrounded on every side by mountains, which still serve as a boundary, though its name is now changed to Eyrac or Irac; and, to distinguish it from Chaldea, to that of Irac Agemi. By Ptolemy it is divided into five districts, viz. Caminsine or Gamisene, Rarthyene, Choroane, Atticene, and Tabiene. The ancient geographers enumerate many cities in this country. Ptolemy reckons twenty-five large cities; and it certainly must have been very populous, since we have accounts of 2000 villages, besides a number of cities in this district being destroyed by earthquakes. Its capital was named Hecatompolis, from the circumstance of its having 100 gates. It was a noble and magnificent place; and, according to some, it still remains under the name of Ispahan, the capital of the present Persian empire.

Parthia is by some supposed to have been first peopled by the Phetri or Pathri, often mentioned in Scripture, and will have the Parthians to be descended from Pathrusim the son of Misraim. But however true this may be with regard to the ancient inhabitants, yet it is certain that those Parthians who were so famous in history descended from the Scythians, though from what tribe we are not informed. The history of the ancient Parthians is totally lost. All we know is, that they were first subject to the Medes, afterwards to the Persians, and lastly to Alexander the Great. After his death the province fell to Seleucus Nicator, and was held by him and his successors till the reign of Antiochus Theos, about A. A. C. 250. At this time the Parthians revolted, and chose one Arsaces for their king. The immediate cause of this revolt was the lewdness of Agathocles, to whom Antiochus had committed the care of all the provinces beyond the Euphrates. This man made an infamous attempt on Tiridates, a youth of great beauty; which so enraged his brother Arsaces that he excited his countrymen to revolt; and, before Antiochus had leisure to attend to the rebellion, it became too powerful to be crushed. Seleucus Callinicus, the successor of Antiochus Theos, attempted to reduce Arsaces; but the latter, having had so much time to strengthen himself, defeated and drove him out of the country. Seleucus soon after undertook another expedition against Arsaces, but was still more unfortunate; being not only defeated in a great battle, but taken prisoner; and he died in captivity. The day on which Arsaces gained this victory was ever after observed among the Parthians as an extraordinary festival. Arsaces being thus fully established in his new kingdom, reduced Hyrcania and some other provinces under his power; and was at last killed in a battle against Ariarathes IV. king of Cappadocia.

Arsaces I. was succeeded by his son Arsaces
VOL. XVI.

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II., who, entering Media, made himself master of that country, while Antiochus the Great was engaged in a war with Antiochus Euergetes king of Egypt. Antiochus, however, was no sooner disengaged from that war than he marched with all his forces against Arsaces, and at first drove him quite out of Media. But he soon returned with an army of 100,000 foot and 20,000 horse, with which he put a stop to the further progress of Antiochus; and a treaty was soon after concluded, in which it was agreed that Arsaces should remain master of Parthia and Hyrcania, upon condition of his assisting him in his wars with other nations. Arsaces II. was succeeded by his son Priapatius, who reigned fifteen years, and left three sons, Phrahates, Mithridates, and Artabanus. Phrahates, the eldest, succeeded to the throne, and reduced under his subjection the Mardi, who had never been conquered by any but Alexander the Great. After him, his brother Mithridates was invested with the regal dignity. He reduced the Bactrians, Medes, Persians, Elymeans, and over-ran all the east, penetrating beyond the boundaries of Alexander's conquests. Demetrius Nicator, who then reigned in Syria, endeavoured to recover these provinces, but his army was entirely destroyed, and himself taken prisoner, and kept captive till his death; after which Mithridates made himself master of Babylonia and Mesopotamia, so that he now commanded all the provinces between the Euphrates and the Ganges. Mithridates died in the thirty-seventh year of his reign, and left the throne to his son Phrahates II. who was scarcely settled in his kingdom when Antiochus Zidetes marched against him at the head of a numerous army, under pretence of delivering his brother Demetrius, who was still in captivity. Phrahates was defeated in three pitched battles; in consequence of which he lost all the countries conquered by his father, and was reduced within the limits of the ancient Parthian kingdom. Antiochus did not, however, long enjoy his good fortune; for his army, on account of their number, amounting to no fewer than 400,000, being obliged to separate to such distances as prevented them, in case of any sudden attack, from joining together, the inhabitants, whom they had most cruelly oppressed, taking advantage of this separation, conspired with the Parthians to destroy them. This was accordingly executed; and the vast army of Antiochus, with the monarch himself, were slaughtered in one day, scarcely a single person escaping to carry the news to Syria.

Elated with his success, Phrahates now proposed to invade Syria; but in the mean time, happening to quarrel with the Scythians, he was by them cut off with his whole army, and was succeeded by his uncle Artabanus; who enjoyed his dignity but a very short time, being, a few days after his accession, killed in another battle with the Scythians. He was succeeded by Pacorus I., who entered into an alliance with the Romans; and he by Phrahates III. This monarch took under his protection Tigranes the son of Tigranes the Great, king of Armenia, gave him his daughter in marriage, and invaded the kingdom with a design to place the son on the throne of Armenia; but, on the approach of

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Pompey, he retired, and soon after renewed the treaty with the Romans. Phrahates was murdered by his sons Mithridates and Orodes; and soon after the former was put to death by his brother, who thus became sole master of the Parthian empire. In his reign happened the memorable war with the Romans under Crassus. This was occasioned, not by any breach of treaty on the side of the Parthians, but through the shameful avarice of Crassus. The whole Roman empire had been divided between Cæsar, Pompey, and Crassus; and the eastern provinces had fallen to the lot of Crassus. No sooner was he invested with this dignity than he resolved to carry the war into Parthia, to enrich himself with the spoils of that people, who were then very wealthy. Some of the tribunes opposed him, as the Parthians had religiously observed the treaty; but Crassus having, by the assistance of Pompey, carried every thing before him, left Rome in the year 55 B. C., and pursued his march to Brundusium, where he immediately embarked his troops, though the wind blew very high; and after a difficult passage, where he lost many of his ships, he reached the ports of Galatia. From Galatia Crassus hastened to Syria, and, passing through Judea, plundered the temple at Jerusalem. He then marched with great expedition to the Euphrates, which he crossed on a bridge of boats; and, entering the Parthian, dominions, began hostilities. As the enemy had not expected an invasion they were quite unprepared for resistance; and therefore Crassus overran all Mesopotamia; and, if he had taken advantage of the consternation which the Parthians were in, might have also reduced Babylonia. But instead of this, early in autumn, he repassed the Euphrates, leaving only 7000 foot and 1000 horse to garrison the places he had reduced; and, putting his army into winter quarters in Syria, gave himself totally up to his favorite passion of amassing money. Early in spring he drew his forces out of their winter quarters, in order to pursue the war with vigor; but, during the winter, Orodes had collected a very numerous army, and was well prepared to oppose him. Before he entered upon action, however, the Parthian monarch sent ambassadors to Crassus to expostulate with him on his injustice in attacking an ally of the Roman empire; but Crassus only returned for answer that they should have his answer at Seleucia.' Orodes, finding that a war was not to be avoided, divided his army into two bodies. One he commanded in person, and marched towards Armenia, in order to oppose the king of that country, who had raised a considerable army to assist the Romans. The other he sent into Mesopotamia, under Surenas, a most experienced general, by whose conduct all the cities which Crassus had reduced were quickly retaken. On this some Roman soldiers, who made their escape, and fled to the camp of Crassus, filled the minds of his army with terror at the accounts of the number, power, and strength of the enemy. They told their fellow-soldiers that the Parthians were very numerous, brave, and well disciplined; that it was impossible to overtake them when they fled, or escape when they pursued; that their defensive weapons were

proof against the Roman darts, and their offensive weapons so sharp that no buckler was proof against them, &c. Crassus looked upon all this only as the effects of cowardice; but the soldiers, and even many of the officers, were so disheartened, that Cassius, the same who afterwards conspired against Cæsar, and most of the legionary tribunes, advised Crassus to suspend his march, and consider better of the enterprise before he proceeded farther in it. But Crassus obstinately persisted in his former resolution, being encouraged by the arrival of Artabazus king of Armenia, who brought with him 6000 horse, and promised to send 10,000 cuirassiers and 30,000 foot whenever he should stand in need of them. At the same time he advised him not to march his army through the plains of Mesopotamia, but to take his route over the mountains of Armenia, as in every respect much safer. This salutary advice, however, was rejected, and Crassus entered Mesopotamia with an army of about 40,000 men. The Romans had no sooner crossed the Euphrates than Cassius advised Crassus to advance to some of those towns in which the garrisons yet remained, to halt and refresh his troops; or to march along the Euphrates to Seleucia; and thus to prevent the Parthians from surrounding him, at the same time that he would be plentifully supplied with provisions. Of this advice Crassus approved, but was dissuaded by Abgarus king of Edessa, whom the Romans took for an ally, but who was in reality a traitor sent by Surenas to bring about their destruction. Under this faithless guide the Romans entered a vast green plain divided by many rivulets. Their march proved at first very easy, but the farther they advanced the worse the roads became, insomuch that they were at last obliged to climb up rocky mountains, which brought them to a dry and sandy plain, where they could neither find food nor water. Abgarus then began to be suspected by the tribunes and other officers, who earnestly intreated Crassus not to follow him any longer, but to retreat to the mountains; at the same time an express arrived from Artabazus, acquainting the Roman general that Orodes had invaded his dominions with a great army, and that he was obliged to keep his troops at home, to defend his own dominions. The same messenger advised Crassus to avoid by all means the barren plains, where his army would certainly perish with hunger and fatigue, and to approach Armenia, that they might join their forces against the common enemy. But Crassus, instead of hearkening either to the advice of the king or his own officers, first flew into a violent passion with the messengers of Artabazus, and then told his troops that they were not to expect the delights of Campania in the most remote parts of the world. Thus they continued their march across a desert, the very sight of which was sufficient to throw them into despair; for they could not perceive the least tree, plant, or brook, not so much as a single blade of grass; nothing all around them but huge heaps of burning sand. The Romans had scarcely got through this desert when word was brought them by their scout3 that a numerous army of Parthians was advancing full speed to attack them; for Abgarus, under

pretence of going out on parties, had often conferred with Surenas, and concerted measures with him for destroying the Roman army. Upon this advice, which occasioned great confusion in the camp, the Romans being quite exhausted with their long march, Crassus drew up his men in battalia, following at first the advice of Cassius, who was for extending the infantry as wide as possible, that they might take up the more ground, and thus prevent the enemy from surrounding them; but, Abgarus assuring the proconsul that the Parthian forces were not so numerous as was represented, he changed this disposition, and drew up his troops in a square, which faced every way, and had on each side twelve cohorts in front. Near each cohort he plared a troop of horse to support them, that they might charge with the greater security and boldness. Thus the whole army looked more like one phalanx than troops drawn up in maniFuli, with spaces between them, after the Roman manner. The general himself commanded in the centre, his son in the left wing, and Cassius in the right. In this order they advanced to the banks of the Balissus, the sight of which was very pleasing to the soldiers, who were much harassed with drought and heat. Most of the officers were for encamping on the banks of this river, to give the troops time to refresh themselves; but Crassus, hurried on by the inconsiderate ardor of his son, only allowed the legions to take a meal standing, and, before this could be done by all, he ordered them to advance, not slowly, and halting now and then after the Roman manner, but as fast as they could move, till they came in sight of the enemy, who, contrary to their expectation, did not appear either so numerous or so terrible as they had been represented; but this was a stratagem of Surenas, who had concealed his men in convenient places, ordering them to cover their arms, lest their brightness should betray them, and starting up at the first signal to attack the enemy on all sides. The stratagem had the desired effect; for Surenas no sooner gave the signal than the Parthians, rising as it were out of the ground with dreadful cries and a most frightful noise, advanced against the Romans, who were greatly surprised and dismayed at that sight; and much more so when the Parthians, throwing off the covering of their arms, appeared in shining cuirasses, and helmets of burnished steel, finely mounted on horses covered all over with armour of the same metal. At their head appeared young Surenas, in a rich dress, who was the first who charged the enemy, endeavouring with his pikemen to break through the first ranks of the Roman army; but finding it too close and impenetrable, the cohorts supporting each other, he fell back, and retired in a seeming confusion; but the Romans were much surprised when they saw themselves suddenly surrounded on all sides, and galled with continual showers of arrows. Crassus ordered his light-armed foot and archers to advance, and charge the enemy; but they were soon repulsed, and forced to cover themselves behind the heavy armed foot. Then the Parthian horse, advancing near the Romans, discharged showers of arrows upon them, which

did great execution, the legionaries being drawn up in such close order that it was impossible for the enemy to miss their aim. As their arrows were of an extraordinary weight, and discharged with incredible force and impetuosity, nothing was proof against them. The two wings advanced in good order to repulse them, but to no effect; for the Parthians shot their arrows with as great dexterity when their backs were turned as when they faced the enemy; so that the Romans, whether they kept their ground or pursued the flying enemy, were equally annoyed with their fatal arrows. The Romans, as long as they had any hopes that the Parthians, after having spent their arrows, would either betake themselves to flight, or engage them hand to hand, stood their ground with great resolution and intrepidity; but when they observed that there were many camels in their rear loaded with arrows, and that those who emptied their quivers wheeled about to fill them anew, they began to lose courage, and to complain of their general for suffering them thus to stand still, and serve only as a butt to the enemy's arrows. Hereupon Crassus ordered his son to advance, and to attack the enemy with 1300 horse, 500 archers, and eight cohorts. But the Parthians no sooner saw this choice body (for it was the flower of the army) marching up against them, than they wheeled about, and betook themselves, according to their custom, to flight. Hereupon young Crassus, crying out, They fly before us, pushed on full speed after them, not doubting but he should gain a complete victory; but when he was at a great distance from the main body of the Roman army, he perceived his inistake; for those who before had fled, facing about, charged him with incredible fury. Young Crassus ordered his troops to halt, hoping that the enemy, upon seeing their small number, would not be afraid to come to a close fight: but herein he was likewise greatly disappointed; for the Parthians, contenting themselves to oppose his front with their heavy armed horse, surrounded him on all sides, and, keeping at a distance, discharged incessant showers of arrows upon the unfortunate Romans, thus surrounded and pent up. The Parthian cavalry, in wheeling about, raised so thick a dust that the Romans could scarcely see one another, far less the enemy. In a short time the place where they stood was covered with dead bodies. Some of the unhappy Romans finding their entrails toru, and many overcome by the exquisite torments they suffered, rolled themselves in the sand and expired. Others endeavouring to tear out by force the bearded points of the arrows, only increased their pain. Most of them died in this manner; and those who outlived their companions were no more in a condition to act; for when young Crassus exhorted them to march up to the enemy, some showed him their wounded bodies, others their hands nailed to their bucklers, and some their feet pierced through and pinned to the ground; so that it was equally impossible for them to attack the enemy or defend themselves. The young commander, therefore, leaving his infantry to the mercy of the enemy, advanced at the head of the cavalry against their heavy armed horse. The thousand Gauls whom he had brought with him

from the west charged the enemy with incredible boldness and vigor; but their lances did little execution on men armed with cuirasses, and horses covered with tried armour: however they behaved with great resolution; for some of them taking hold of the enemy's spears, and closing with them, threw them off their horses on the ground, where they lay without being able to stir by the great weight of their armor; others, dismounting, crept under the enemy's horses, and, thrusting their swords into their bellies, made them throw their riders. Thus the brave Gauls fought, though greatly harassed with heat and thirst, which they were not accustomed to bear, till most of their horses were killed, and their commander dangerously wounded. They then thought it advisable to retire to their infantry, which they no sooner joined than the Parthians invested them anew, making a most dreadful havock of them with their arrows. In this desperate condition Crassus, spying a rising ground at a small distance, led the remains of his detachment thither, with a design to defend himself in the best manner he could, till succours should be sent him from his father. The Parthians pursued him; and, having surrounded him in his new post, continued showering arrows upon his men, till most of them were either killed or disabled, without being able to make use of their arms, or give the enemy proofs of their valor. Young Crassus had two Greeks with him, who had settled in the city of Carrhæ. These, touched with compassion at seeing so brave a man reduced to such straits, pressed him to retire with them to the city of Ischnes, which had declared for the Romans; but the young Roman rejected their proposal, saying that he would rather die a thousand times than abandon so many valiant men, who sacrificed their lives for his sake. He then embraced and dismissed them, giving them leave to retire and shift for themselves. As for himself, having now lost all hopes of being relieved, and seeing most of his men and friends killed around him, he gave way to his grief; and, not being able to make use of his arm, which was shot through with a large barbed arrow, he presented his side to one of his attendants, and ordered him to put an end to his unhappy life. His example was followed by Censorius a senator, by Megabaccus an experienced and brave officer, and by most of the nobility who served under him: 500 soldiers were taken prisoners, and the rest cut in pieces. The Parthians, having thus cut off or taken the whole detachment commanded by young Crassus, marched without delay against his father, who, upon the first advice that the enemy fled before his son, and were closely pursued by him, had taken heart, the more because those who had remained to make head against him seemed to abate much of their ardor, the greater part of them having marched with the rest against his son. Wherefore, having encouraged his troops, he had retired to a small hill in his rear, to wait there till his son returned from the pursuit. Young Crassus had despatched frequent expresses to his father, to acquaint him with the danger he was in; but they had fallen into the enemy's hands, and been by them put to the sword:

only the last, who had escaped with great difficulty, arrived safe, and informed him that his son was lost if he did not send him an immediate and powerful reinforcement. This news threw Crassus into the utmost consternation; but the desire he had of saving his son and so many brave Romans who were under his command, made him immediately decamp, and march to their assistance. He was not gone far before he was met by the Parthians, who, with loud shouts, and songs of victory, gave, at a distance, the unhappy father notice of his misfortune. They had cut off young Crassus's head, and, having fixed it on the point of a lance, were advancing full speed to fall on the father. As they drew near Crassus was struck with the dismal sight, but behaved like a hero; for he had the presence of mind to stifle his grief, and to cry out to his dismayed troops, This misfortune is entirely mine; the loss of one man cannot affect the victory: Let us charge, let us fight like Romans: If you have any compassion for a father who has lost a son whose valor you admired, let it appear in your rage and resentment against these insulting barbarians.' Thus Crassus strove to reanimate his troops; but their courage was quite sunk, as appeared from the faint and languishing shout which they raised, according to custom, before the action. When the signal was given, the Parthians, keeping to their old way of fighting, discharged clouds of arrows on the legionaries, without drawing near them; which did such dreadful execution that many of the Romans, to avoid the arrows, which occasioned a long and painful death, threw themselves in despair on the enemy's heavyarmed horse, seeking from their spears a more speedy death. Thus the Parthians continued plying them incessantly with their arrows till night, when they left the field of battle, crying out that they would allow the father one night to lament the death of his son. This was a melancholy night for the Romans. Crassus kept himself concealed from the soldiers, lying not in the general's tent, but in the open air, and on the bare ground, with his head wrapped up in his military cloak; and was, in that forlorn condition, says Plutarch, a great example to the vul gar of the instability of fortune; to the wise, a still greater, of the pernicious effects of avarice, temerity, and ambition. Octavius, one of his lieutenants, and Cassius, endeavoured to raise him up and console him: but seeing him quite sunk under his affliction, and deaf to all comfort, they summoned a council of war, composed of all the chief officers; in which it was unanimously resolved that they should decamp before day-break, and retire to Carrhæ, which was held by a Roman garrison. Agreeably to this resolution they began to march as soon as the council broke up; which produced dreadful outcries among the sick and wounded, who, perceiving that they were to be abandoned to the mercy of the enemy, filled the camp with their complaints and lamentations: but their cries did not stop the march of the others, which indeed was very slow to give the stragglers time to come up. There were only 300 light horse, under the command of one Egnatius, who pursued their march

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