66 the Irish Free State, and the full representation of India. Whereas the agenda of 1887 was, apart from defence," confined to questions "mainly of a secondary character," to-day our discussion Foreign will extend over the whole field of Imperial Policy and relations." Their predecessors had been wise in avoiding all attempts "to construct some theoretical written constitution, which could no sooner be framed than it would have been superseded by the evolution of the living forces of growth in our midst." This is eminently sound and true as regards politics, though it seems scant justification for laissez-faire in commerce where savoir-faire would have been more fruitful. The true function of the Imperial Conference was, in the speaker's opinion, the continual readjustment of inter-Imperial relations among a group of nations who combined the "fundamental unity" displayed during the Great War with a steady "development of national consciousness." Nowhere was the necessity for adjusting the relations between the Governments of the Empire more conspicuous than in foreign policy. In this connection he quoted the comprehensive statement made to the Committee of Imperial Defence in 1911 by Sir Edward Grey, then British Foreign Minister, which is worth reproducing: The starting-point, I imagine, of the consultation which we are now going to have on foreign policy and the foreign situation, is really the creation and growing strength of separate fleets and forces in the Dominions, of which the Prime Minister has just given some account. It is possible to have separate fleets in a united Empire, but it is not possible to have separate fleets in a united Empire without having a common foreign policy which shall determine the action of the different forces maintained in different parts of the Empire. If the action of the forces in different parts of the Empire is determined by divergent views of foreign policy, it is obvious that there cannot be union, and that the Empire would not consent to share an unlimited liability the risks of which it cannot gauge, because this liability would be imposed upon it by different parts of the Empire having different policies. Therefore the first point I want to make is this, that the creation of separate fleets has made it essential that the foreign policy of the Empire should be a common policy. If it is to be a common policy, it is obviously one on which the Dominions must be taken into consultation, which they must know, which they must understand, and which they must approve and it is in the hope and belief that the foreign policy of this country does command the assent and the approval, and is so reasonable that it must command the assent and approval, of the Dominions, that we wish to have a consultation, and I wish to explain, as fully as I can, the present situation of foreign affairs, and what our views and prospects are. VOL. LXXXVIII 22 Since this declaration things had moved, including the British Empire, and it was now "no longer only a question of the foreign policy of this country " but "a policy in foreign affairs of general Imperial concern which will commend itself to a number of different Governments and Parliaments." Mr. Baldwin cited a substantial body of evidence corroborative of his thesis that the Dominions take an ever-increasing interest in foreign policy with which their contact had grown from year to year. The first "conspicuous demonstration" of this was the Imperial War Cabinet of 1917, repeated in 1918, and followed up by the Empire delegation at the Peace Conference in Paris. It would not have been consistent with the official recital to mention that the Empire Delegation in Paris in 1919 was as completely "frozen out" of the actual "Frozen Out" Treaty-making as the British Foreign Officeall the major questions being appropriated by the Big Four with lamentable results to the British Empire and the world at large, because the work of the Big Four was ruined by the preconceived dogmas of President Wilson and the ignorant impulses of Mr. Lloyd George. To the present writer M. Clemenceau, the French Prime Minister, remarked in the midst of the Transatlantic chaos then in process of creation, "We should have a much better Treaty of Peace if it were made by Hughes (the Australian Prime Minister), Massey (the New Zealand Prime Minister), and myself." That is surely no slight tribute by the greatest European statesman to two Dominion statesmen who were too sound to get a serious hearing from idealogues and wizards. Since the Paris Peace Conference there had, as Mr. Stanley Baldwin reminded the present Imperial Conference, been three sessions of the Imperial Conference, and not only had common understanding been arrived at as regards the principles which should govern the main issues of foreign policy, but also agreements have been reached on what I may term the administrative side of foreign relations in matters of major importance." Thus the Conference of 1921 discussed the issues to be raised at the subsequent Washington 66 Conference, and that of 1923 had envisaged the problem of Reparations that eventuated in the agreement of 1924. Besides Imperial Conferences there had also been a number of International Conferences since the war at which the Dominions had been represented, while "in periodic meetings of the Assembly of the League of Nations at Geneva there has invariably been close and constant touch between our representatives." There had likewise been an increase of information placed at the disposal of Dominion Governments by the Foreign Office. You will remember that, following on the promise made by Lord Curzon at the Conference of 1921, copies of all communications of importance to and from His Majesty's representatives abroad bearing on current aspects of world politics and on the conduct of foreign affairs are now sent without delay from London to the Prime Ministers of the Dominions, and day by day they are kept informed by telegram and despatch of every important development and tendency. I find that during 1925 the number of such telegrams sent was 190, while during the present year the number sent up to the end of September has been 116. The numbers of confidential Foreign Office prints sent during the same periods were respectively 576 and 491. The present Prime Minister of the Commonwealth has supplemented this system by the appointment in London of a personal liaison officer in close touch with the responsible authorities in this country. I need not say that we have been only too glad to help him in every way within our power. THIS is all to the good. Nevertheless, we make bold to affirm-what would not be denied by anyone acquainted Far-sighted with Overseas opinion-that since the war there has been a decline in the interest of the Dominions in Imperial or world policy, with the result that they have not pulled their weight in the boat, and British foreign policy has suffered accordingly. So far from desiring to shut them out of a mystery that is the monopoly of Downing Street, all "Imperialists" worthy of the name desire the Dominions to exercise the same influence in the international sphere as home public opinion is supposed to, though quite between ourselves the British public is as impotent to save Responsible Statesmen from themselves as any other public. Coming to Imperial Defence, the British Prime Minister could only record "unobtrusive progress of late years-there is certainly nothing to write home about-though common doctrine" had been stimu " lated by the interchange of officers between Great Britain and the Dominions. The speaker took the opportunity of paying a tribute where one was due, and we feel sure the Prime Minister's words will be read with as much satisfaction in the Federated Malay States as they were heard in Downing Street. I cannot leave the subject of Imperial defence without a brief reference to the generous, patriotic, and far-sighted action of Their Highnesses the Rulers of the four Federated Malay States and other members of the Federated Malay States Council in offering, on the motion of the Sultan of Selangor, a contribution of £2,000,000 to the Imperial Government, payable in five annual instalments, towards the cost of the Singapore Naval Base This contribution is of the greatest assistance in enabling this important development to be proceeded with. I shall return to this subject when we discuss Imperial defence. "the On Empire Trade and Empire Settlement, which was the third important department of the Imperial Conference's work, Mr. Baldwin was able to mention numerous committees, conferences, institutes, organizations, and other efforts in the right direction, as also to emphasize greater realization of the importance to the Empire of fostering inter-Imperial trade," on which the Mother Country had done her part by providing capital, plus such measures as the Empire Settlement Act, as well as by such preference as we have been able to afford "under our very limited Tariff system" to Empire goods, which would be developed by the newly established Empire Marketing Board. Possibly feeling that he had administered a douche of unexpected cold water to some of his audience who had come a very long way, after touching on other topics the Prime Minister recurred to the one of pressing and crucial importance in a passage more in accordance with the spirit of the Conservative Party, and which it must be said had anticipated that he would give a stronger lead to the Imperial Conference. As regards Empire trade and settlement, though all of us have gone far, we can, I hope, go a great deal farther towards the achievement of our common object, which is, as I conceive it, that each of the Governments should give, subject to the special economic needs of the countries which they represent, not only the most sympathetic consideration, but the fullest practical encouragement, to the development of inter-Imperial trade. When I consider the extent of the resources of the different parts of the Empire and their essentially complementary character, I cannot resist the conclusion that a policy of effective co-operation between us all would produce results in the creation of wealth and human welfare for each of us out of all proportion to what we could severally achieve in economic isolation. But we can only make effective progress in that direction in the degree that our various peoples realize the greatness of their opportunity and concentrate their purpose upon it. THE first action of the Imperial Conference was a loyal salutation to the King and Queen, which was no mere matter of form, because if there be a single The Throne issue on which the British Dominions are absolutely at one it is in their regard, respect, and reverence for the Crown, and their personal esteem and affection for King George and Queen Mary, as well as for their delightful and devoted family. The British Empire would indeed be in a bad way, and not unlikely to fulfil the fears of the croakers, but for the golden link of the Crown and the Royal Family, who spread contentment and happiness among all sections of the Sovereign's subjects. The message, which the whole Conference rose to its feet to endorse, was as follows: The Prime Ministers and other representatives of the Governments of the British Empire assembled in Conference, at their first meeting, and as their first official act, desire to express their respectful greetings and fidelity to the King, and their earnest hope that Your Majesty and Her Majesty the Queen may long be spared to strengthen the ties of affection and devotion which unite the peoples of the British Commonwealth under the Crown. As representing "the Senior Dominion," "the Senior Dominion," the Canadian Prime Minister, according to precedent, followed the British End of Prime Minister. Mr. Mackenzie King had been at some pains, from the moment he decided to attend the Imperial Conference, to dissipate the unfortunate impression created by the" Constitutional Issue recently raised at Ottawa, and the untoward though happily unsuccessful effort to make the Governor-General and the Governor-Generalship an electoral issue. The exceptional enthusiasm that marked every farewell function held in honour of Lord Byng could leave no shadow of doubt on any intelligent mind as to how the retiring GovernorGeneral was regarded by the Canadian people, who keenly regretted that the close of a singularly popular régime should have been clouded by political difficulties inspired |