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lain, sent as a friendly letter of advice, for fashion's fake in private, and forthwith published by the fender himfelf, that we may know how much of friend there was in it, to cast an odious envy upon them to whom it was pretended to be sent in charity. Nor let any man be deluded by either the ignorance, or the notorious hypocrisy and self-repugnance of our dancing divines, who have the conscience and the boldness to come with scripture in their mouths, gloffed and fitted for their turns with a double contradictory sense, transforming the sacred verity of God to an idol with two faces, looking at once two several ways; and with the fame quotations to charge others, which in the same case they made ferve to justify themselves. For while the hope to be made classic and provincial lords led them on, while pluralities greased them thick and deep, to the shame and fcandal of religion, more than all the fects and herefies they exclaim against; then to fight against the king's person, and no less a party of his lords and commons, or to put force upon both the houses, was good, was lawful, was no resisting of superior powers; they only were powers not to be refifted, who countenanced the good, and punished the evil. But now that their cenforious domineering is not suffered to be universal, truth and conscience to be freed, tithes and pluralities to be no more, though competent allowance provided, and the warm experience of large gifts, and they so good ať taking them; yet now to exclude and seize upon impeached members, to bring delinquents without exemption to a fair tribunal by the common national law against murder, is now to be no less than Corah, Dathan, and Abi
He who but erewhile in the pulpits was a cursed tyrant, an enemy to God and faints, laden with all the innocent blood spilt in three kingdoms, and fo to be fought against; is now, though nothing penitent or altered from his first principles, a lawful magistrate, a sovereign lord, the Lord's anointed, not to be touched, though by themselves imprisoned. As if this only were obedience, to preserve the mere useless bulk of his person, and that only in prison, not in the field, and to difobey his commands, deny him his dignity and office, T2
every where to resist his power, but where they think it only surviving in their own faction.
But who in particular is a tyrant, cannot be determined in a general discourse, otherwise than by fupposition; his particular charge, and the sufficient proof of it must determine that: which I leave to magistrates, as least to the uprighter sort of them, and of the people, though in number fess by many, in whom faction least hath prevailed above the law of nature and right reafon, to judge as they find cause. But this I dare own as part of my faith, that if such a one there be, by whose commillion whole massacre have been committed on his faithful subjects, his provinces offered to pawn or alienation, as the hire of those whom he had folicited to come in and destroy whole cities and countries; be he king, or tyrant, or, emperor, the sword of justice is above him ; in whore hand foever is found füfficient power to avenge the effufion, and so great a deluge of innocent blood. For if all human power to execute, not accidentally but intendedly the wrath of God upon evil doers without exception, be of God; then that power, whether ordinary, or if that fail, extraordinary, fo executing that intent of God, is lawful, and not be resisted. But to unfold more at large this whole question, though with all expedient brevity, I thall here fet down, from first beginning, the original of kings; how and wherefore exalted to that dignity above their brethren; and from thence shall prove, that turning to tyranny they may be as lawfully deposed and punithed, as they were at first elected: this I shall do by authorities and reasons, not learnt in corners among fchifms and herefies, as our doubling divines are ready to calumniate, but fetched out of the midst of choicest and most authentic learning, and no prohibited authors; nor many heathen, but mofaical, christian, orthodoxal, and which must needs be more convincing to our adversaries, presbyterial.
No man, who knows aught, can be so stupid to deny, that all men naturally were born free, being the image and resemblance of God himself, and were, by privilege above all the creatures, born to command, and not to obey: and that they lived fo, till from the root of 21
Adam's transgresion, falling among themselves to do wrong and violence, and foreseeing that such courses must needs tend to the destruction of them all, they agreed by common league to bind each other from mutual injury, and jointly to defend themselves against any, that
gave disturbance or opposition to such agreement. Hence came cities, towns and commonwealths. And because no faith in all was found sufficiently binding, they faw it needful to ordain some authority, that might restrain by force and punishment what was violated against peace and common right. This authority and power of self-defence and preservation being originally v and naturally in every one of them, and unitedly in them all; for ease, for order, and left each man should be bis own partial judge, they communicated and derived either to one, whom for the eminence of his wifdom and integrity they chose above the reft, or to more than one, whom they thought of equal deserving: the firft was called a king; the other, magistrates: not to be their lords and masters (though afterward those names in some places were given voluntarily to such as had been authors of inestimable good to the people) but to be their deputies and commissioners, to execuțe, by virtue of their intrusted power, that justice, which elle every man by the bond of nature and of covenant must have executed for himself, and for one another. And to him that shall consider well, why among free persons one man by civil right should bear authority and jurifdiction over another; no other end or reason can be imaginable. These for a while governed well, and with much equity decided all things at their own arbitrement: till the temptation of such a power, left absolute in their hands, perverted them at length to injustice and partiality, Then did they, who now by trial had found the danger and inconveniences of committing arbitrary power to any, invent laws either framed or consented to by all; that should confine and limit the authority of whom they chose to govern them: that so man, of whose failing they had proof, might no more rule over them, but law and reason, abstracted as much as might be from perfonal errours and frailties. While, as the magistrate
was fet above the people, fo the law was set above the magiftrate. When this would not serve, but that the law was either not executed, or misapplied, they were constrained from that time, the only remedy left them, to put conditions and take oaths from all kings and magiftrates at their first instalment to do impartial justice by law: who upon those terms and no other, received alle, giance from the people, that is to say, bond or covenant to obey them in execution of those laws, which they the people had themselves made or afsented to. And this ofttimes with express warning, that if the king or magistrate proved unfaithful to his trust, the people would be disengaged. They added also counsellors and parliaments, not to be only at his beck, but with him or without him, at fet times, or at all times, when any danger threatened, to have care of the public safety. Therefore faith Claudius Sefell, a French statesman, “The parliament was set as a bridle to the king;" which I instance rather, 'not because our Englith lawyers have not said the same long before, but' because that French monarchy is granted by all to be a far more absolute one
That this and the rest of what hath hitherto been spoken is most true, might be copiously made appear throughout all stories heathen and christian; even of those nations, where kings and emperors have fought means to abolish all ancient memory of the people's right by their encroachments and usurpations. But I spare long insertions, appealing to the German, French, Italian, Arragonian, English, and not least the Scottish histories: not forgetting this only by the way, that William the Norman, though a conqueror, and not unsworn at his coronation, was compelled, a second time to take oath at St. Albans, ere the people would be brought to yield obedience.
It being thus manifeft, that the power of kings and magistrates is nothing else, but what is only derivative, transferred and committed to them in trust from the people to the common good of them all, in whom the power yet remains fundamentally, and cannot be taken from them, without a violation of their natural birthright; and seeing that from hence Aristotle, and the best
of political writers, have defined a king, “him who governs to the good and profit of his people, and not for his own ends;" it follows from neceffary causes, that the titles of fovereign lord, natural lord, and the like, are either arrogancies, or flatteries, not admitted by emperors and kings of best note, and disliked by the church both of Jews, (Ifai. xxvi, 13,) and ancient Chriftians, as appears by Tertullian and others. Although generally the people of Afia, and with them the Jews alfo, efpecially since the time they chose a king against the advice and counsel of God, are noted by wife authors much inclinable to flavery.
Secondly, that to say, as is usual, the king hatli as good right to his crown and dignity, as any man to his inheritance, is to make the fubject no better than the king's flave, his chattel, or his pofleffion that may
he bought and fold: and doubtless, if hereditary titlé were fufficiently inquired, the best foundation of it would be found but either in courtesy or convenience. But fuppose it to be of right hereditary, what can be more juft and legal, if a subject for certain crimes be to forfeit hy law from himself and posterity all his inheritance to the king, than that a king for crinies proportional should forfeit all his title and inheritance to the people? Unless the people must be thought created all for him, he not for them, and they all in one body inferior to him single; which were a kind of treason against the dignity of mankind to aflirm.
Thirdly, it follows, that, to say kings are accountable to none but God, is the overturning of all law and go è vernment. For if they may refuse to give account, then all covenants made with them at coronation, all oaths are in vain, and mere mockeries; 'all laws which they swear to keep, made to no purpose: for if the king fear not God, (as how many of them do not ?) we hold then our lives and estates by the tenure of his mere grace and mercy, as from a God, not a mortal magistrate; a po fition that none but court-parasitesor men befotted would maintain! Aristotle therefore, whom we commonly allow for one of the best interpreters of nature and morality; writes in the fourth of his Politics, chap. x, that