directly to the hearts of thofe who hear me, and k whether it is not already planted there? I refort efpetially to the conviction of the Wellern gentlemen wheth er, fuppofing no pofts and no treaty, the fettlers will remain in fecurity? can they take it upon them to fay, that an Indian peace under thefe circumstances, will prove firm? No, fir, it will not be peace but a fword; it will be no better than a lure to draw victims within the reach of the tomahawk.

12. On this theme, my emotions are unutterable: if I' could find words for them, if my powers bore any proportion to my zeal, I would fwell my voice to fuch a note of remonftrance, it fhould reach every log-houfe beyond the mountains. I would fay to the inhabitants, wake from your falfe fecurity. Your cruel dangers, your more cruel apprehenfions are foon to be renewed: the wounds, yet unhealed, are to be tore open again. In the day time, your path through the woods will be ainbushed. The darknefs of midnight will glitter with the blaze of your dwellings. You are a father the blood of your fons fhall fatten on your corn-field-You are a mother-the war whoop fhall wake the fleep of the cradle.

13. On this fubject you need not fufpect any deception on your feelings. It is a fpectacle of horror which cannot be overdrawn. If you have nature in your hearts, they will fpeak a language compared with which all I have faid or can fay, will be poor and frigid.

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14. Who will accufe me of wandering out of the fubjea? Who will tay that I exaggerate the tendencies of our measures? will any one anfwer by a fneer, that all this is idle preaching? will any one deny that we are bound, and I would hope to good purpofe, by the moft folemn fanctions of duty for the vote we give? Are def pots alone to be reproached for unfeeling indifference to the tears of blood of their fubjects? Are republicans unrefponfible? Have the principles on which you ground the reproach upon cabinets and kings no practical influence, no binding foice? Are they merely themes of idle declamation, introduced to decorate the morality of a newf paper effay, or to furnish pretty topics of liarangue from the windows of that ftate house ? I truft it is neither too prefumptuous nor too late to afk, can you put the dearest

interest of society at risk without guilt, and without res morfe?

15. By rejecting the pofts, we light the favage fires, we bind the victims. This day we undertake to renders account to the widows and orphans whom our decifion will: make, to the wretches that will be roasted as the flake, to our country, and I deem it not too ferieus to fay, to con feience and to God. We are ar fwerable and if duty be any thing more than a word of impofture, if confcience bes not a bugbear, we are preparing to make curfelves as wretched as our country.

16. There is no mistake in this cafe, there can be nones Experience has already heen the prophet of events, and the cries of our future victims have already reached us. The weftern inhabitants are not a filent and uncom plaining facrifice, The voice of humanity iffues from the fhade of their wilderness. It exclaims, that while one hand is held up to reject this treaty, the other grafps a tomahawk. It fummons our imagination to the fenes that will open. It is no great effort of the imagination to conceive that events fo near are already begun. I can fancy that I liften to the yells of favage vengeance, and, the fhricks of torture. Already they feem to figh in the weft wind-already they mingle with every echo from the mountains,

17. Look again at this ftate of things On the fea coaft, vaft loffes uncompenfated-On the frontier, Indian› war, actual encroachment on our territory. Every where fcontent-refentments tenfold more fierce because they will be impotent and bumbled. National difcords and abafement.

18. The difputes of the old treaty of 1783, being left. to rankle, will revive the almoft extinguished animoftties of that period. Wars in all countries, and in most of all in fuch as are free, arife from, the impetuofity of the public feelings. The defpotifm of Turkey is often obli ged by clamor to unheath the fword. War might perhaps be delayed, but could not be prevented. The caufes of it would remain, would be aggravated, would be. multiplied, and foon become intolerable. More cap

more imprefiment would fwell the list of our ngs, and the current of our rage.. I make no calcu of the arts of thofe whole employment it had been,

en former occafions, to fan the fire. I fay nothing of the foreign money and emiffaries that might foment the fpirit of hoftility, because the ftate of things will naturally run: to violence. With lefs than their former exertion, they would be fuccessful..

19. Will our government be able to temper and reArain the turbulence of fuch a crifis? The government, atas, will be in no capacity to govern. A divided people; and divided counfels! Shall we cherish the fpirit of peace or fhew the energies of war? Shall we make our adverfary afraid of our ftrength, or difpofe him by: the measures of refentment and broken faith, to respect our rights? Do gentlemen rely on the ftate of peace because both nations will be worst difpofed to keep it? Becaufe injuries, and infults ftif harder to endure, will be mutually offered.

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20. Such a fate of things will exift, if we should long avoid war, as will be worfe than war. Peace without' fecurity, accumulation of injury without redrefs, or the hope of it, refentment against the aggreffor, contempt for ourfelves, inteftine difcord and anarchy. Worfe than this need not be apprehended, for if worfe could happen, anarc by would bring it. Is this the peace gentlemen undertake with fuch fearless confidence, to maintain? Is this the ftation of American dignity, which the high spir ited champions of onr national independence and bonor could endurenay, which they are anxious and almoft violent to feize for the country? What is there in the treaty that could humble us fo low? Are they the men to fwallow their refentments, who fo lately were c choak ing with them? If in the cafe contemplated by them, it fhould be peace, I do not hesitate to declare it ought not to

he peace.

21. Is there any thing in the profpect of the interior fate of the country, to encourage us to aggravate the dangers of a war? Would not the fhock of that evil produce another, and shake down the feeble and then unbraced ftructure of our government ? Is this the chimera? Is it going off the ground of matter of fact to fay, the rejection of the appropriation proceeds upon the doc trine of a civil war of the department! Two branches have ratified a treaty, and we are going to let it afide,'

How is this disorder in the machine to be rectified? While it exifts, its movements must stop, and when we talk of a remedy, is that any other than the formidable one of a revolutionary interpofition of the people? And is this, in the judgment even of my oppofers, to execute, to preserve the conftitution, and the public order? Is this the fate of hazard, if not of convulfion, which they can have the courage to contemplate and to brave, or beyond which their penetration, can reach and fee the iffue ?They feen to believe, and they act as if they believed that our union, our peace, our liberty are invulnerable and immortal-as if our happy state was not to be disturbed by our diffention, and that we are not capable of falling from it by our unworthiness. Some of them have no doubt better nerves and better difcernment than mine. They can fee the bright afpects and happy confequences of all this array of horrors.They can fee inteftine difcords, our government diforganized, our wrongs aggravated, multipled and unredreffed, peace with dishonor, or war without justice, union or refources in"the calm lights of mild philosophy."

22. Let me cheer the mind, weary no doubt and ready to defpond on this profpect, by prefenting another which it is yet in our power to realize. Is it poffible for a real American to look at the profperity of this country with-out fome defire for its continuance, without fome refpe&t for the meafures which, many will fay, produced and alli will confefs have preferved it? Will he not feel fome dread that a change of fyftem will reverfe the fcene ?? The well grounded fears of our citizens in 1794 were removed by the treaty, but are not forgotten. Then they deemed war nearly inevitable, and would not this adjuftment have been confidered at that day as a happy efcape from the calamity? The great intereft and the gen-eral defire of our people was to enjoy the advantages of neutrality. This inftrument, however mifreprefented, affords America that ineftimable fecurity. The caufes of our difputes are either cut up by the roots or referred to a new negociation, after the end of the European war. This was gaining every thing, because it confirm. ed our neutrality by which our citizens are gaining every thing. This alone would justify the engagements of the government. For, when the fiery vapors of the war

-Lowered in the fkirts of our horizon, all our wishes were concentered in this one, that we might efcape the defolation of the ftorm. This treaty like a rainbow on the edge of the cloud, marked to our eyes the fpace where it was raging, and afforded at the fame time the fure prognostic of fair weather. If we reject it, the vivid colors will grow pale, it will be a baleful meteor portending tempeft and war.

23. Let us not hesitate then to agree to the appropri-* ation to carry it into a faithful execution. Thus we fhall fave the faith of our nation, fecure its peace, and diffufe the fpirit of confidence and enterprise that will augment its profperity. The progrefs of wealth and improvement is wonderful, and fome will think, too rapid. The field for exertion is fruitful and vaft, and if peace and good government fhould be preferved, the acquifitions of our citizens are not fo pleating as the proof of their industry, as the inftruments of their future fuccefs. The rewards of exertion go to augment its power.-Profit is every hour becoming capital. The vaft crop of our neutrality is all feed-wheat, and is fown again to fwell, almoft beyond calculation, the future harvest of profperity. And in this progress what feems to be fiction, is found to fall short of experience.

24. Lrofe to speak under impreffions that I would have refited if I could. Those who see me will believe that' the reduced state of my health has unfitted ine, almoft equally, for much exertion of body or mind. Unprepared for debate by careful reflection in my retirement, or by long attention here, I thought the refolution Fhad taken' to fit filent was impofed by neceffity, and would cost me no effort to maintain. With a mind thus vacant of ideas, and finking, as I really am, under a fenfe of weakness, I,imagined the very defire of fpeaking was extinguished by the perfuafion that I had nothing to fay. Yet when' I come to the moment of deciding the vote, I ftart back with dread from the edge of the pit into which we are plunging. In my view, even the minutes I have spent in expoftulation have their value, because they protract the crifis, and the fhort period in which alone we may refolve to eftape it.

25. I have thus been led by my feelings to speak more at length than I had intended. Yet I have perhaps as