By virtue of the Monroe Doctrine this obligation is imposed upon the United States, which must either perform that duty or confess its inability and permit Europe to act, but there need be no fear that the United States will shirk its responsibility or afford any European Power an opportunity to laugh at the Monroe Doctrine and make the United States ridiculous in the eyes of the world. If Mexico cannot keep her house in order the United States, the self-constituted policeman of the Western world, will have to take charge of affairs. A war with Mexico will not be lightly undertaken, for it would be something more than a military promenade, it would cost a great many lives and involve a heavy expenditure; and the defeat of the Mexican armies in the field would be only the first step. There would follow then the much more difficult task of restoring order and setting up a stable Government having the confidence of the people and able to enforce its decrees. That could only be done by the United States maintaining an army of occupation in Mexico, or by a military protectorate, or by annexation, and public sentiment in the United States is against any of these courses unless there is no other way out. Americans do not want Mexico because of its large Indian and negro population, they have negroes enough w and to spare; they do not want to undertake the military burden. Yet they will go into Mexico if that is the only alternative, and that is why the War Department has its plans prepared jor a mobilisation, and public men think for the second time American troops may cross the Rio Grande. President Taft will 39t permit himself to be rushed-he has no ambition to go into story as a "war President," the ambition of more than one cecupant of the White House-but he will not fear the consequences if war is forced upon him. The President cannot make war without the consent of Congress, but he can bring on war if be wants to, which he does not in this case. The folly or wisdom of the leaders, if there are any leaders in Mexico, will determine

the course of events.

A. MAURICE LOW.

THE RISE OF ARCHIE

As a boy he sat open-mouthed whilst his father—a working tailor and an old-fashioned Radical, who divided his affections between Tom Paine and Gladstone, and his hatred between the Socialists and the House of Lords-read extracts from Reynolds's Newspaper in Lowland Scotch. Young Archie Fraser was an intelligent youth, and he absorbed the gospel of discontent to such a degree that, on leaving school, he manifested a strong dislike of hard work of any kind; particularly tailoring, which necessitated his sitting, Turkish fashion, for many hours at a stretch. This annoyed his thrifty parents, who remonstrated with him from time to time, and uttered dire threats of chastisement which never materialised. Archie's aspiring soul would not take kindly to the trammels of labour, and he put as much skill into losing a job as his father did into finding him one. When, for the hundredth time, Fraser père complained to his long-suffering wife of the boy's intractability, that worthy woman asked, simply," Wha made the bairn a rebel?" which, as her spouse remarked, was "daftlike talk." The poor man eventually grew more resigned to his son's penchant for unemployment, and the latter grew correspondingly less inclined to "live the life of a hireling slave.'

With the advent of the South African War, Archie, who had now attained his majority, saw a chance of regaining his father's goodwill and satisfying an inborn craving for publicity at the same time. He enrolled as a steward for a meeting of protest convened by the pacifists of the town; the only tangible benefits he derived consisted of a blackened eye and an introduction to a local Socialist, who recommended the writings of Karl Marx and a piece of raw beef. When his eye had resumed its wonted aspect, Archie took an early opportunity of attending

a meeting of the Social Democrats. He found their highly seasoned fare greatly to his liking, joined the Federation, and wrestled manfully with the Marxian theory of Value and similar inebriating problems. It was not long before young Fraser took his stand as a champion of the Oppressed, upon a soap-box, which did duty as an alfresco rostrum. His fulminations against the idle rich brought joy to the hearts of the assembled poor and the sum of eight pence-halfpenny to the branch funds. As soon as this came to the ears of Fraser senior, that gentleman's hatred of the Socialists-due chiefly to their supposedly anti-Liberal proclivities-got the better of his patience, and the budding orator was given a week in which to find a job and clear out. Archie, ho had already come to the conclusion that his new opinions muld be made to pay, received the ultimatum with a calmness hich surprised his outraged sire. His mother, however, opined that their offspring was "nae such a saftie "--wherein she showed much discernment.

Archie went into lodgings, having obtained a situation as clerk in the loan-office of a Socialist of Hebrew extraction, who boked upon that young man as a martyr to principle. (Jews, we know from Weininger, are inveterate Communists.) He devoted his spare time, and as much of his employer's as he could safely filch, to assimilating Socialistic literature. The writings of William Morris and Edward Carpenter, in particular, supplied Em with numerous effective quotations for platform use. But be successfully withstood the charms of l'amour de l'impossible; his native cuteness told him that, for "practical" purposes such as he had in view, idealists like Carpenter and Morris were useless exemplars.

Archie, of course, was sincerely desirous of elevating the proletariat; but he was even more desirous of elevating himself. His reason, which was agreeably responsive to his ambition, ured him that only through the success of its leaders could the down-trodden proletarians attain the millennium. Needless to add, Archie regarded himself as a leader, nascitur non fit. Bearing these facts in mind, one is not surprised to find that he soon became disgusted with the unpractical methods of his Socialist colleagues. The coldness with which they received his generous offer to sacrifice himself on the altar of Oppressed

Humanity by standing for Parliament, convinced him of thei political imbecility. "Comrade" Fraser did not hesitate; he abandoned the Social Domocrats to their fate and attached him self to the Independent Labour Party, which seemed to offer more scope for his abilities.

The Independent Labourites had concentrated their energies successfully upon converting the Trade Unions, or the officials thereof, to the principle of " principle of "independent" Parliamentary representation. Moreover, they had succeeded in getting some of their members elected to Parliament, wherein they differed from the Social Democrats. Archie, with his cheerful smile and plausible bearing, speedily secured the confidence of his new associates. He possessed an excellent memory, and his constant flow of quotations (stealthily gleaned from books of reference at the public library, and not always acknowledged as such) gave him a veneer of education which effectually deceived the trustful Labourites. They looked upon him as a perfect embodiment of scholarship and eloquence, and this fact tended to confirm the young man in his new love. Very soon "comrade" Fraser was pressed to stand as Labour candidate for the parish council, but, having decided that a seat on a local body involves much drudgery and little limelight, he declined the honour, with a fine show of modesty. His reputation as an orator of surpassing eloquence continued to increase, though the fact that he privily reported many of his own meetings may have helped to swell the adulatory chorus.

At last, at a conference of the Labourites of the district, it was decided to run him for Parliament, subject to his consenting to stand. The House of Commons was Archie's objective, and just as all roads are said to lead to Rome, it was possible that all roads led to Westminster. But some of those roads were bad, and our hero was not taking any unnecessary risks. After considerable hesitation (during which he quietly reviewed the position and found that his chances of election were absolutely nil) he smilingly declined, on the plea that he was a newcomer to the movement, and that other "comrades" had done far more to deserve the honour. This self-effacement redounded greatly to the credit of the astute Archie, and requests for his oratorical services poured in from all parts of the Labour movement, to say

nothing of Nonconformist P.S.A.s. (He was, privately, a NoGodite; sacrificing the sum of fourpence-halfpenny every week on the altars of "Rational Thought," as No-Godism was then termed.) He decided that the moment had arrived for him to cross the Rubicon, in the shape of the River Tweed. He had hitherto given his services to the Cause freely, plus out-of-pocket expenses, but he was growing tired of standing at street corners and bellowing wordy nothings at a handful of weary nobodies. Self-sacrifice of this description was all very well as a means to an end, but it had now served his purpose. Archie promptly booked a number of lucrative engagements amongst the Southrons, threw up his job at the loan-office, and came to England.

Three or four years of strenuous tub-thumping up and down the country enhanced his reputation amongst the English disciples of "independent" Labour and provided him with several opportunities of giving place to better men when a hopeless ! candidature was offered him. His activities also brought him into close touch with Trade Union officials, whom he secretly despised but openly flattered. From these he learned the wisdom of the saying that the prancing horse makes the slowest progress. He moderated his revolutionary ardour, but so gradually that he was safely entrenched behind a reputation for political sagacity before his more uncompromising admirers discovered the change. His egotism, which like his ambition he wisely concealed from curious eyes, was the cause of another change, minor but significant. He became "Mr." Fraser to the rank and file; only the disrespectful addressed him by his old title of "Comrade." He had gained recognition as a "leader."

Archie saw that undue familiarity with their leaders was likely to engender disrespect amongst the led, and the implicit confidence of the latter was absolutely essential to him at that stage of his career. He kept his admirers at a discreet distance, whilst admitting a favoured few to the inestimable privilege of a handshake and a genial smile, as a prelude to an aspect of portentous gravity, which he assumed when political matters were discussed. Those of his creed who had already attained to the dignity of M.P. gave him kindly advice as to what to say and (more important still) what not to say when visiting their particular constituencies.