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German elections, because the Reichstag is not a parliament as we understand it, and the autocracy of the Kaiser remains unshaken. Doubtless he will get all the armaments he desires either from the new House or from another House after another Dissolution. At the same time it would be difficult to exaggerate the results of the elections, which constitute the heaviest blow sustained by Junkerdom during the forty years that oligarchy has controlled the destinies of Germany. The English "scare," which has so scared Sir Frank Lascelles and other Englishmen who ought to have known better, happily did not scare the German people, and there was a positive holocaust of jingoes of all kinds at the polls, and, if the German people had effective control of their Government, this vote of no confidence in the present régime would be followed by a real change in German policy which would add immensely to the general comfort of Europe, which is getting heartily sick of the perpetual alarums and excursions by which the Wilhelmstrasse deems it necessary to keep Germany in the limelight.

WE have said more than enough to explain the genesis of the Haldane-Cassel "mission" to Berlin, the value of which from the German standpoint is inestimable. It was excelCaillauxism lent business, killing many birds with one stone, all the more if it were attributed, as it was in the first instance, to British initiative-indeed it is openly declared in the German Press for the benefit of St. Petersburg and Paris to be due to King George-though as a matter of fact neither the British Sovereign nor the British Government was more responsible for its origin than we were. The Kaiser deserves the entire credit of summoning Herr Ballin to his councils, who, in his turn, enlisted the services of Sir Ernest Cassel, who conveyed the suggestion to our Government that the presence of a British Minister in Berlin would be welcome, and incontinently his Majesty's Ministers walked into a transparent trap. Germans doubtless approve the intervention of financiers in international affairs and know well how to make use of them in German interests, but Englishmen prefer that their Government should keep clear of the Cosmopolitans of la haute finance. There is an unpleasant smack of Caillauxism about this "mission," which

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has not unnaturally surprised Frenchmen after their recent unpleasant experiences of backstairs diplomacy, the benefit of which they wisely gave to the world. We need no go-betweens between ourselves and any other Power, and Ministers would best have consulted national interests by replying that any exchange of views desired by Germany would be more conveniently made through the ordinary diplomatic channels. What is the use of having a Foreign Office or an Embassy if international affairs are to be transacted by the Ballins and the Cassels? Lord Haldane himself is somewhat suspect. He is a born intriguer and has been in Berlin before, where he did not a little mischief. The main object of the "mission," needless to say, was to demonstrate to Russia and France that Perfide Albion was again," and thus disturb the mutual confidence of the Members of the Triple Entente. It also provided convenient cover for the impending augmentation, of German armaments, which would pass unnoticed in England amid the general "geniality." Junkerdom would naturally be gratified after the "humiliation" of last year at the spectacle of the British Government sending one of its Ministers whining to Berlin, while simultaneously the door was closed on even the possibility of discussing the limitation of the German Navy. Then that large portion of the German people who, pace our blood-curdling Potsdam friends, prefer peace to war, if war can be honourably avoided, would naturally be impressed by the spectacle of such a démarche at such a moment, demonstrating as it does that the policy of bullying Great Britain and France pays because it brings one or other of them to heel. It is never wise for one Great Power to cringe to another Great Power. It is peculiarly dangerous for Great Britain to cringe to Germany. We have done it repeatedly; we have always paid dearly for it, and we shall do so again, as we never learn. Happily the mischievous enterprise of Lord Haldane and Sir Ernest Cassel has been to a large extent discounted by the declarations in the British Parliament that the initiative came from Germany, and by the semi-official statement to the effect that the British Government is acting in the closest conjunction with her partners in the Triple Entente. It goes without saying that absolutely nothing will come of this absurd episode, except the shedding of an enormous mass of

ink and the talking of a vast amount of twaddle. Things will remain what they are and the consequences will be what they will be. At the same time Lord Haldane and Sir Ernest Cassel had better have remained at home, and in any case it is advisable to enter an early and emphatic protest against any symptoms of Caillauxism in British policy. The long and the short of the whole business is that the bully of Europe is going to increase both Army and Navy. What are we going to do? We need among other things a new War Minister.

The Return of the King and Queen

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THE King and Queen returned from India on February 5, after one of the most eventful tours in history, having added a splendid chapter to the annals of our Royal House. Their success surpassed the most sanguine expectations, but unfortunately the language in which the doings of Royalty are habitually chronicled is so extravagant, that there is no means of emphasising a really great achievement. We can only say that one of the keenest observers and critics and most measured of men in a private letter from India describes the conduct of their Majesties as superb." Although their return coincided with a "cold snap," they received the warmest of welcomes in Portsmouth and London, a great crowd assembling before Buckingham Palace, which showed its feelings by singing "Home Sweet Home" and the National Anthem. On the following day (February 6) their Majesties drove to St. Paul's amid every manifestation of popular enthusiasm, where a solemn Thanksgiving Service was held, attended by a great and representative congregation. Special prayers were offered up " for all the people of India " and " for all Indian Princes and Rulers within the Empire." The Archbishop of Canterbury in a moving address, dwelt on the rich response vouchsafed to the previous prayers that the Royal journey might "tend to the increase of goodwill among the peoples of India." He recalled to contrast the ancient triumphs when returning conquerors paraded their captives before the multitude with the present occasion. "Our triumph-song to-day is for the conquest not of foemen but of friends, and the bonds are woven strands of loyalty and love." The Viceroy of India sent a striking message to the British nation from the Princes and

EPISODES OF THE MONTH

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people of India containing "an expression of their cordial goodwill and fellowship, and also an assurance of their warm attachment to the world-wide empire of which they formed part, and with which their destinies are now indissolubly linked." This message, which was founded on telegrams received from the chief ruling princes, and resolutions passed at public meetings throughout India, and forwarded to the unofficial members of the Viceroy's Council, gives some faint idea of the indelible impression made on the Indian Empire by their Emperor and Empress.

Opening of
Parliament

AFTER a painfully brief respite from the Parliamentary incubus, the Legislature was reopened, a day late, on St. Valentine's Day (February 14), in deference, it is understood, to the superstition of the Molly Maguires, who hold the number 13 in holy horror as pregnant with disaster. The King, accompanied by the Queen, drove in state from Buckingham Palace to the House of Lords, receiving en route, needless to say, a hearty popular ovation. The usual ceremonial was strictly followed, and the scene in the Lords was as striking as ever, though keen observers could not help feeling that something had departed from that once illustrious assembly never to return. It lost its soul in knuckling down to the Demagogues over the Parliament Bill, ostensibly in order to save the Crown, but really in order to prevent an influx of peers which from every point of view would have been highly desirable, though regarded with unconquerable aversion by the noble army of parvenus mobilised behind Lords Lansdowne and Crewe, who were outraged at the prospect that other people indistinguishable from themselves should pollute the sacred precincts. His Majesty read the Speech from the Throne, which, after the usual reference to the friendliness of Foreign Powers, deplored the war between Italy and Turkey, concerning which "My Government are ready, whenever a favourable opportunity may present itself, to associate themselves with other Powers in any mediation that may help to bring hostilities to an end." The situation in Persia continued to engage the serious attention of my Ministers, who are in constant communication with the Russian Government in regard to the best means of enabling the Persian Government to re-establish

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order and tranquillity in the country." Hope was expressed "that the crisis in China may soon be satisfactorily terminated by the establishment of a stable form of government in conformity with the views of the Chinese people. My Government continue to observe an attitude of strict non-intervention, while taking all necessary steps to protect British life and property." The Leaders on both sides in China had shown every desire to safeguard the lives and interests of foreigners resident in the Empire. After referring to the Hague Convention regulating the trade in opium and kindred drugs, the Royal visit to India was dealt with in a paragraph in which the personal note was naturally strong. "In my Indian Dominions, the Durbar which I held with the Queen-Empress, at Delhi, in order to make known in person My succession to the Imperial Crown of India, has furnished Me with overwhelming proof of the devotion of the princes, nobles, and peoples of My Indian Empire to Ourselves, and of their loyalty to My rule. In the great cities of Calcutta and Bombay the spontaneous manifestations of an enthusiastic affection and loyalty, with which we were received by all classes of citizens, touched Us most deeply. We were not less moved by the welcome which has been accorded to Us on Our return home, and by the sympathy shown to Us by all My subjects in the personal sorrow which has overtaken My family."

The King's
Speech

UPON the great announcement made in India the Speech from the Throne spoke thus: "I trust that the transfer of the seat of the Government of India from Calcutta to the ancient capital of Delhi, and the creation, in consequence of that transfer, of a Governorship for the Presidency of Bengal, of a new Lieutenant-Governorship in Council for Behar, Chota Nagpur, and Orissa, and of a Chief Commissionership for Assam, may be fruitful in promoting the prosperity of My Indian Empire." A Bill for the constitution of the new provinces would be laid before Parliament. The "Gentlemen of the House of Commons" were laconically informed that "the estimates for the expenditure of the coming year will in due course be laid before you." It can hardly be said that that part of the Royal speech in which Ministers are peculiarly interested was particularly illuminating, for there

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