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can hardly be estimated by the Westerner. It would be reg table, and doubly regrettable, if statesmen professedly Impe attacked the Imperial Decree, all the more because Lord La downe himself, when the change of capital was announc described it as "irrevocable." Surely it is futile to carp at irrevocable. We are not so gravelled for topics calling for co ment that we need devote our activities to those on which cannot by any possibility do any good-even assuming we d gree with the policy-whereas we may do harm. Lord Cur always" sees red" where India is concerned, and he cannot con his indignation against the Delhi Durbar. That is no reason v other Unionists should "see red." If they cannot bring the selves to approve of the change of capital, they will be far w to hold their tongue. Lord Lansdowne was somewhat nigg] on the subject in the Debate on the Address. (Happily the s sequent "full-dress debate," insisted upon by Lord Curzon, 、 too late to be dealt with in these pages, and we can only say t Lord Curzon's performance was positively painful.) They wo have something to say on the question of expense. “Then I th we shall have a word to say as to the extraordinary secr observed with regard to these changes-secrecy which, rememb carried with it inevitably the result that it was impossible for Government either here or in India to consult fully all those who ordinary circumstances, would have been consulted in regard to expediency of these great changes. Finally, it will be our di to say something as to the manner in which his Majesty's Gove ment have connected this new policy with the personal intervent of his Majesty."

Necessary
Secrecy

LORD LANSDOWNE apparently forgets that the case for 1 transfer of the capital from Calcutta to Delhi was set forth a singularly cogent despatch from the Gove ment of India, with which Lord Crewe cordia acquiesced, and the exchange of these documen shows that no small number of experts must have been consult before the final decision was taken. The manner in which a sec: known to many was kept, so far from being blameworthy, is one the brightest incidents in our public service, showing as it do the high and honourable standard animating Anglo-Indi

als. It would have been impossible for the policy to have - carried out if thrown down for public discussion, which would Live led to a strenuous conflict of vested interests centring round atta and Delhi. Lord Lansdowne has always been praised, deservedly so, likewise the Foreign Office, for the strict recy surrounding the negotiations which culminated in the Ago-Japanese Alliance. So Lord Crewe, the Indian Office, the Veroy and his Council, equally deserve credit for another well

barry

secret. Nor could a more impressive mode of declaring the by have been devised or a more striking manner of immortalisthe Delhi Durbar imagined than that the Emperor should tell -people face to face that he had decided in future to govern from Di instead of Calcutta. To the man in the street the advantages getting the Government of India out of the province of Bengal, with its thoroughly vicious political atmosphere, is superabundant pensation for any disadvantages attending the policy of the partition of Bengal. Turning to Foreign Affairs, Lord Lansve recalled a remarkable prophecy of Lord Salisbury's made 11: "Some day Morocco will be as great a trouble to Europe i will carry with it as great a menace to the peace of Europe the other Mohammedan communities further to the East used arry twenty or thirty years ago." If the immediate outlook peaceful not many months ago " this country was on the eve of serious quarrel with a Power with which every right-thinking shman desires not only to live at peace, but to co-operate in the discharge of the great obligations which belong to a progressive civilising Power." The speaker refused to join the excessive tude of advisers to his Majesty's Ministers, whose counsel frequently based upon misapprehension of facts, though might have said the word in season upon Haldanism. They continually adjured to arrive at a general understandith Germany upon all outstanding questions similar to that unded by the late Government with France in 1904; e.g. Bishop of Winchester (oh, these Bishops!) had lately called the country to constrain diplomatists "and to insist upon at he called a genuine entente with Germany," upon which Lansdowne sensibly observed: "It is quite true that in 4 the late Government came to an understanding with France a number of outstanding questions-questions which, I

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think, might be described as of a subacute, if not an acute c racter. They had reference to the relations of the two count in Siam, the New Hebrides, Newfoundland, and in Egypt. that case there were ample materials for what might be cal an all-round understanding. But there was no such array acute and outstanding questions between this country and G many, and for this excellent reason, that for the previous twe years one British Government after another had been settl these questions as they arose, and settling them to the satisfact of both countries." He need not enumerate the different Agr ments, numbering from fifteen to twenty and related to parts of the world-the Western Pacific, Samoa, New Guin Heligoland, East Africa, West Africa, South-West Africa, a our spheres of interest in China. As a consequence when went to Germany as to the other Powers for an Agreement conce ing Egypt upon the same lines as our Agreement with Frar the British and German Governments decided that it was bet to restrict the negotiations to the questions connected with Eg alone. There was also "a little Treaty of Arbitration wh was made about the same time, but that really was all that th was an opportunity of doing at the moment. I do not sugg that nothing more may be done in that way; but what I suggest is that in the past, as far as I am aware, the diplomat have always been ready to settle these questions with Germa in the most friendly manner, and so, I have no doubt, has Government which is now in power.'

Lord Crewe's
Reply

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LORD LANSDOWNE devoted the rest of his speech to criticis the preposterous Ministerial programme of legislation, in whi there was one conspicuous lacuna, namely, t reform of the House of Lords, to which prominer had been given in the preamble of their own Parl ment Bill, subsequently fortified by the solemn pledge of the Pri Minister that the question would be dealt with in the lifetime of t present Parliament. It seemed really incredible that a Gove ment in a minority in the House of Commons, comparing t number of its supporters with the number in any other politi party, which depended for its existence upon a coalition of co petitive groups, should arrogate to themselves the claim of tamp ing with the union of the United Kingdom, of disestablishing t

Church in Wales, and of doubling, at need, the electorate without attempt to consult the constituencies. It was equally inredible that such an attempt should be made while one of the two Ecases of Parliament, by the admission of Ministers themselves, was improperly constituted, while the other House of Parliament,

pothesi, so improperly represented the views of the people that they were ready to add anything between one and eight

electors to the present register. "I do not believe, I not conceive, a more cynical disregard of political principles that we should embark on such a course under such condi

That it is fraught with disaster I have no doubt, but we ve yet to see whether that disaster will befall the country, or ether it will overtake the authors of these crazy enterprises." nd Crewe, the titular Leader of the House of Lords, was decidedly resting upon the Royal visit to India, which he had accomted as Minister in attendance. He had never been among se who doubted "the wisdom or advisability of that visit," gh men whose experience of India was "infinitely greater" his "had considerable doubts as to the wisdom of their

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Majesties' visit, partly because of the almost inevitable risks inved in a visit of the Sovereign to places where great crowds t, and partly on general grounds with which I could never ng myself to agree." But whatever views may have been held are the visit, only one view was now possible. Certainly there yone view that could be held by any one who had the privilege ing in India and saw the continued and unalloyed triumph attended their Majesties from the moment of their landing Bombay, and their greeting by what, I suppose, is almost the gorgeously picturesque crowd you could see collected any, through the splendid series of ceremonies at Delhi, through agnificent heartiness of the civic welcome at Calcutta, back to the affecting farewell which their Majesties took of their A subjects at Bombay."

a triumph of the visit was never for a moment in doubt. Thanks due to the Viceroy for the part he took in preparing for the

The King

und Queen

great event, to the Durbar Committee, most ably presided over by Sir John Hewitt, and the Committees of Calcutta and Bombay for the endless

they devoted to their task. Lord Crewe added :

But if I may for once break the rule which we jealously observe, of n bringing the personality of the Sovereign into our debates, I cannot refrain fro saying how much the success of the whole visit is due to the individual share his Majesty and the Queen. The entire forgetfulness which their Majesti displayed of everything except the performance of the stately duties, many them involving long hours and much physical fatigue, which they had s themselves to undertake; their complete accessibility to all sorts of people India; and most of all, perhaps, the air of fearless and unaffected enjoyme with which they entered into the popular side of the pageants in which th were the chief figures, contributed more than anything else to the marvello success of their visit.

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Divinity hedged a king, particularly in Oriental countries, whe he was regarded as being a special manifestation of the Divi essence." Their Majesties had succeeded without in any wa impairing "that tremendous feeling of awe and reverence." 1 have achieved this while creating about themselves "an atm sphere of simple human friendliness and sympathy" was a servi rendered to the Empire," which could only have been performe by the Sovereigns themselves, and not by any one of their subject however distinguished he might be in his own sphere." T speaker was satisfied that the effect produced on India by t presence of the King and Queen would not be transient, “b that the admiration and loyalty they have inspired will sin deep into the hearts of the Indian people." Not less than fifte million people must have been immediately aware of the presen of their Majesties, "and of these nearer ten millions than fi millions must have seen them face to face. When we consid how in a country like India first-hand reports are carried fro village to village, and from district to district, we shall be al to appreciate to how many of his Majesty's Indian subjects t fact of his presence and personality has thus been brought home Lord Crewe wisely refused to be drawn by the " somewhat critic tone" of Lord Lansdowne into a discussion at the moment, even into any mention, of the administrative changes proclaime at the Delhi Durbar, which had better be dealt with on a separa day. Let us reiterate that we are convinced that Lords Lan downe and Curzon do not represent any serious body of Unioni opinion in the attitude they have unfortunately elected to ado towards the Delhi Durbar. We are always among the first attack the Government for their manifold crimes and iniquitie

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