violent, because he had not adopted a policy towards Russi which would inevitably have landed us in a war with that country.. He would not imitate that kind of criticism, though he adhere to the view that where secrecy was not necessary it was undesir able, and he hoped the Government would enlighten them o Persian affairs. His comments on Lord Haldane's performance in Berlin were deservedly caustic. In another sphere, “Ou diplomacy lately has been carried into the limelight in a way never remember in my past experience. We have had Lor Haldane engaged in some mysterious mission in Berlin, of whic. no one understands the purpose." The speaker did not believ in amateur diplomacy. "And if it were necessary for any Ministe to go, I should have thought that the proper Minister was th Foreign Secretary. I have seen it stated in some Radical news papers that Lord Haldane has the advantage of speaking Germar That is not an uncommon accomplishment. I suppose ou Ambassador at Berlin can also speak German, and that is hardl an adequate explanation. Indeed, to one who can only loo at it from the outside, our recent diplomatic performance seem to me an extraordinary puzzle," which it might be hoped th Premier would do something to solve.

The Two
Navies

no

THE First Lord of the Admiralty (Mr. Churchill) had been criticise for saying that the German Navy stood for expansion and the British Navy for existence. Mr. Bonar Lav said: "The words are true, and they are the only justification for our determination to maintain Navy such as we mean to maintain. The positions are the same. Suppose that we were at war with Germany. Suppose we were able to destroy the German fleet and t cripple German commerce; even then we could not touch the heart of the German Empire. But suppose the position were reversed. Suppose they had command of the Channe for two or three weeks, or less; they have an army with whic] we cannot in any sense compete. They could strike us down and strike us down utterly. I say and I am sure that every man in this House agrees with me-that for us a supreme Navy under these circumstances is absolutely indispensable, and wil be maintained at whatever cost of money or sacrifice." While

hrping for a good understanding, "I believe that if we make it dear that we are going to act in that way it will be also evident that an increase of armament does not alter the relative position, and is only a waste of money." Turning to Home Affairs, the Leader of the Opposition desired to know when the various Bills

ld be introduced, how much time they were expected to cupy, whether there would be an Autumn session, and whether the Budget would emerge before Christmas. One subject was conspicuous by its absence from the Most Gracious Speech. "But it is what I consider the most outstanding feature in the history of the Government so far, and that is their broken pledge -I use the words deliberately-their broken pledge in regard to the reconstruction of the Second Chamber." The Governcent were to be congratulated on having abandoned their policy of make-believe by not putting this question in the King's Speech. Then they would like to know something about the Franchise, which, according to the Radical Press, would be one of the biggest forms that had ever taken place, though the wording of the Speech might signify nothing more than a modest measure of registration reform. Perhaps the Prime Minister will tell us what it does mean? If he is not in a position to do so to-day, the fight in the Cabinet on the subject is not yet quite over, then as soon as the conflict is settled I hope he will give us the result of the battle."

The Insur1zce Act

66

The Chancellor of the Exchequer might enlighten them conaring the Insurance Act, which now occupied an amazing position. The Opposition had moved an amendment last Session urging the postponement of the Bill because it had not been properly condered by the country. "What is the Government doing w? For once they have played into our hands in a way for ich I thank them. They are employing their whole Party Lachinery to explain to the country a measure, not before, but after it has become law!" In this connection he would ask the Prime Minister a question, even though it might not seem a very mportant one. He had been told "that while the Liberal Insurance Committee, as it is now called, was masquerading under e name of the National Insurance Committee, public money

was spent on propaganda, and I wish to ask the Prime Ministe whether or not that is the case. Was public money spent, fo instance, on the meeting held on February 2 to popularise th Insurance Bill?" Mr. Asquith interjected: "Make your charg a little more specific," to which Mr. Bonar Law retorted: "1 made no charge. The question which I asked was perfectly specific. The question was whether any of the meetings carried on by the organisation when it was still called the National Insur ance Committee were or were not paid for out of public moneys." * They knew on the authority of the Chancellor of the Excheque that all who disagreed with him were either knaves or fools while the doctors, "the poor innocent creatures, that didn' know their right hand from their left, who know nothing abou their own business, but are misled by wily politicians into oppos ing beneficent reforms," were equally the subjects of vilification These were but the wild outbursts of impotent rage. The genera result was that should the Insurance Act come into operation it would be a totally different Bill to that which left the Hous of Commons, and it was a matter of rejoicing that the first sampl they had of Single-Chamber government should be a measur affecting the whole population. Finally, there was the question of Home Rule, which would be dealt with by the Governmen under conditions which the present Prime Minister had protested against, ten years ago, when his judgment was as likely to b right as it was to-day-in fact, two lines of the Scottish nationa poet suggested that it was more likely to be right:

When self the wavering balance shakes

It's rarely right adjusted.

* The sequel was as amusing as it was amazing, if anything could amaze ir the conduct of the present Government. Mr. Asquith, in his best heavy father style, indignantly repudiated Mr. Bonar Law's suggestion, which he thu interpreted: "We Ministers of the Crown, who sit on this Bench and are trustees in the public interest of the funds of the country, have been guilty of malversation and diversion of those funds for the propaganda of our own Party and our own measure." To this the Prime Minister emphatically replied: “No not one halfpenny of public money has been spent or will be spent for any suck purpose." A few days later the luckless Mr. Masterman was driven under cross-examination to admit that lecturers paid out of public money had addressed meetings in Scotland and Ireland; in other words, Mr. Bonar Law was perfectly right. He is the last man to make ill-founded suggestions or charges incapable of proof.

Our Ponder

TEN years ago the balance was quite steady. Mr. Asquith inquired, "And now?" to which Mr. Bonar Law replied: "And now self, self-interest, has weighted the balances, ous Premier and it is for every Member of this House and for the country to realise that we are undertaking this measure under conditions under which the Prime Minister himself, after, as he has told us, clear and mature deliberation, said that #ought not to be undertaken." Never had a question been

re wrapt in mystery than the Irish policy of the Government. What would be the position of Irish Members at Westminster? How would their business be relieved if the Irish Members remained to rediscuss controversies arising elsewhere? Then, again, what of the financial system of Ireland, which the First Lord of the Admiralty told them must not be inconsistent with *Lat of the United Kingdom? This was interesting, but indefinite. Would the Customs be entrusted to the new Parliament ? In eriously attempting to carry out such a vast programme in one Session as that set forth in the speech from the Throne, the Prime Mister would shatter to their foundations the Parliamentary stitutions of this country. Mr. Asquith replied in his most ponderous style, though he spoke with some force upon the attitude of the Opposition towards the policy proclaimed at the Delhi Durbar. "The shocking thing appears to be that the pey approved by the responsible Government at home should be announced by the lips of his Majesty the King in the one case, whereas it was announced by the lips of Lord Curzon in the other," 4. In the case of the original partition of Bengal. After referring the projected emergency loan of £200,000 to the Persian Gernment, Mr. Asquith spoke of Lord Haldane's visit to Berlin, without saying anything of interest except that the Liative had come from Germany-thus giving the lie to the ads assiduously circulated on the continent.

THE Prime Minister appeared to have been nettled by almost very sentence in Mr. Bonar Law's pungent speech, and was highly indignant at being asked for details on any any

The Turkey
Cock

sub

ject, as, for instance, the probability of an Autumn session, the main provisions of the Home Rule Bal, the date of the introduction of the Budget, &c. &c., though

he expressed the hope that the Budget would be brought in this side of Easter." He unsuccessfully tried to wriggle out c his well-known declaration that it would be wrong for the Libera Party to repeat the experiment of 1893 and try to carry Hom Rule when dependent on the Irish vote, and had the effronter to pretend that in the present Parliament Ministers had a majorit without the Nationalists, though every one knows they coul be turned out to-morrow did they not "toe the line" to th Molly Maguires. In fact, he was in a constant state of bubble and-squeak, being particularly enraged by Mr. Bonar Law's predic tion that the Insurance Act, though passed into law, would neve come into operation. Why not? Who is going to preven it? Is the right honourable gentleman, if and when he comes int power, going to repeal it?" Mr. Bonar Law replied by givin a nod and saying, "Certainly," upon which the Prime Ministe in his best transpontine manner, declared: "He is. Now w know. The first plank in the new platform of the Tory Part is the repeal of the Insurance Act. We are getting on. I ar very glad to have established that." In a letter to the Pres on the following morning Mr. Bonar Law explained the precis meaning of his interjection. "My understanding of the Prim Minister's question was, 'If you come into power now will yo repeal the Insurance Act?' And my answer was 'Certainly.' Mr. Bonar Law added: "If the Opposition had the opportunit of dealing with the subject of Insurance at once, the repeal c the present Act would be necessary in order that a thorough re consideration of its provisions might be made. But it is, suppose, evident that if the Act were actually in operation, o if serious commitments had been made in anticipation by bodie interested, the subject could only be dealt with by drastic amend ments of the existing Act." We should have thought this woul have been clear to anybody, even the Prime Minister. We hav disposed in a footnote of another topic on which Mr. Asquit] lost his temper with dire results to himself, as he was subsequentl shown by one of his own colleagues to have met Mr. Bona Law's suggestion that public moneys had been used for Party propaganda purposes by a statement that, to put it mildly, wa a wide deviation from accuracy.