though there were many obstacles to be overcome in both countries, the British and the Russian Governments, with the sympathetic assistance of France, concluded the Anglo-Russian Agreement of 1907, which, though far from perfect, was a long step in the right direction. Valuable as the Anglo-French and the Anglo-Russian Agreements have proved in disposing of acute and protracted controversies between the parties, and in preventing diplomatic differences from developing into hostilities, they have been not less valuable in their general effect on the European situation, as a tacit Triple Entente automatically operates whenever peace is seriously threatened by the predominant partner in the Triple Alliance. No one reproaches Germany with having formed the Triplice in conjunction with the Dual Monarchy and Italy. Nor do Austria-Hungary or Italy reproach Russia, France or Great Britain on account of the Triple Entente, which, if the truth may be told, is regarded by responsible persons in Vienna and Rome as a useful factor in restraining the speculative vagaries of their own ally. It is only Germany who nurses a grievance she lives on trumped-up grievances, which she induces simpletons in other countries to exploit, from ex-ambassadors down to the callow scribes of the Cocoa Press-her grievance arising from the preposterous assumption that she shall not only form whatever combinations suit her interests and direct those combinations wherever she pleases, but likewise she shall exercise a veto on the friendships and, indeed, on the entire foreign policy of every other European Power, great and small. The Kaiser's whim must be law in Berlin, Vienna and Rome, likewise in Paris, St. Petersburg and London, and if an Englishman be seen talking to a Frenchman, a Frenchman to a Russian, or a Russian to an Englishman, the German inspired Press rends the sky with its cries about some imaginary encirclement ” of Germany. "Far and high the fools give cry," and in that Paradise of sentimental jackasses, Great Britain, Members of Parliament, ex-diplomatists, journalists, merchants, bankers, bishops, &c., solemnly put their heads together and discuss what can be done poor dear Germany." In the meantime " poor dear Gergoes about her business in her own way. for " many We are speaking, of course, of the Wilhelmstrasse when we say that what cannot be gained by force or intimidation must be secured by Vindication of British Policy chicanery and intrigue. We are not indicting a nation, but a clique. The German masses are no more given to chicanery and intrigue than we are: they may be eliminated: they do not count in such Latters: their part consists in paying the piper and in echoing the "grievances" provided for them by a paternal Government. As Lat Government resents the entente between France and Great Entain a fortiori it resents the Triple Entente as a formidable barrier Pan-German plans. As" shining armour" has failed to frighten these three wicked Powers into abandoning their nefarious friendships with one another, we are to have a spell of backstairs business in which German diplomatists excel, supported as they invariably are by numerous gentlemen of Teutonic extraction, sally connected with la haute finance, who assiduously "work for the King of Prussia" in the various countries which afford them hospitality. That is the key to the Haldane mission, about which more rubbish has been written in the Press than upon any other topic of the day. The Triple Entente has worked steadily and successfully to preserve the peace of Europe, which was threatened last year, as we now know beyond all possibility of cavil by Germany's determination to establish herself in Stuthern Morocco, on the pretext that her nationals and interest were in danger where neither existed. She was convinced that we should take it lying down and that she carried the French Prime Minister (M. Caillaux) in her pocket. We cannot recapituare the whole story (upon which Monsieur André Mévil, an ptionally well-informed man, contributes an instructive article), but in the light of the revelations made by the Committee of the French Senate we realise more than ever how great was the danger to British interests and to the peace of Europe, and how nirably for once-the present Government behaved, though we are aware that, owing to the number of cranks in the Radical Party, Ministers are only too anxious that the brightest chapter in their annals should be buried in oblivion. We now know that not only was the Cabinet upholding British interests against a real danger, but they were, for the time being, though unknowingly, the moral custodians of the interests of France, owing to the conduct of the French Prime Minister who, it is charitable to assume, had temporarily taken leave of his senses. Happily, the honour of France is unaffected by the disgrace of M. Caillaux, whose Ministry collapsed the moment the country realised his treachery. Russia was an undemonstrative spectator of the Moroccan crisis, which the German Emperor was at one moment determined to make a pretext for war, but she was, nevertheless, prepared to do her duty by her French ally in the event of the unprovoked aggression generally anticipated. The Potsdam ON a careful reconsideration of the situation the German Emperor, who had personally initiated the forward movement in Morocco of which the Panther's visit to Agadir was the signal, decided to relinquish an untenable position, the game not being worth the candle, and Herr Von Kiderlen-Waechter received instructions to get out of the mess as best he could. We cannot imagine how any sincere partisan of peace, unless he be hopelessly blinded by prejudice against his own country and his own Government, or inspired by an equally blind preference for every manifestation of Potsdam policy, can do otherwise than applaud the wise, courageous and pacific demeanour of the Triple Entente at this grave crisis. And we should have imagined that Englishmen, Russians and Frenchmen would have resolved more than ever to do what in them lay to consolidate this great defensive pact. But such is the perverseness of mankind that at the very moment that British policy has been triumphantly vindicated, by some curious kink which marks us off from other people, some of us are going about pulling long faces and asking each other what can be done for poor dear Germany." We try to make allowances for the attitude of gentlemen of German extraction, who, for one reason or another, are sojourning in our midst, but we strongly object to their posing as patriotic Englishmen, when they are actually animated by one single purpose, "What can I do to please the German Emperor?" They are mere echoes of every Potsdam cry. Although the observation causes extreme annoyance in certain quarters, as may be gathered from the vigorous protest published in our Correspondence section, we repeat what we have frequently said before and shall repeatedly say again, that as the asylum of 66 the world's aliens, the opulent as well as the paupers, we get a very poor return for our generosity and for the docile if not ignominious manner in which we allow Press, Society, Finance and Politics to be dominated by these wanderers. We could forgive them zach if they would only come out in their true colours as Germans. There is nothing wicked in being a German-the Germans are a lendid people. But it is rank hypocrisy to pretend to be an Englishman if by race, tradition, instinct and affection you are a German working for Germany though living in England. - Trust the Kaiser" THE alien contingent is reinforced by other elements, especially the professional alarmist, who would have us believe that "poor dear Germany "-who, be it remembered, besides possessing the mightiest Army also owns the second fleet in the world-is fearfully aggrieved on account of the insults heaped upon her by Sir Edward Grey, who Las never insulted anybody in his life, and from whose numerous speeches no single passage or phrase could be cited calculated to ive umbrage to a single inhabitant of the German Empire. Mr. Lloyd George, as we know, is vile and vicious in his speeches on domestic affairs, and there is nothing he will not say of man, Woman, or God, in order to score a platform point or to catch a Eting vote. But in his solitary speech on external affairscae of the most salutary speeches ever made by a British Minister -Lis language was irreproachable in spirit and perfect in form. As the Foreign Minister told the House of Commons: "What be Mr. Lloyd George) said is on record. He claimed no preeminence, no predominance for us in international affairs. It e ntained no menace, such as the saying of 'Hands off!' to ity one anywhere. It did not say that there was any particular demand or claim on the part of Germany that was inconsistent with British interests. Its purport and its point was that where Entish interests were affected we must not be treated as if we were of no account." Amid general cheering, Sir Edward Grey added (speaking on November 27): "If the time ever comes when this cannot be said by a Minister speaking in the position the Chancellor of the Exchequer was in then, we shall have ceased to exist as a great nation." Much water has flowed under the mill since the Panther's pounce upon Agadir on July 1, 1911, but everything that has happened has but served to justify the conduct of the Cabinet at a fateful moment. Sir Edward Grey's venomous assailants in the Cocoa Press, who are always prepared to vilify any British Minister who does his duty, have merely contributed to enhance the reputation of the new Knight of the Garter, who is to be heartily congratulated at receiving such an honour at such a moment. What can be said of professional alarmists, like Sir Frank Lascelles, sometime Minister in Berlin, who devotes his leisure to touring the country and trying to make the flesh of Chambers of Commerce creep by dire pictures of the terrible things which will happen to us unless we appease the unquenchable hatred of "poor dear Germany "-a somewhat undignified occupation for an ex-ambassador and hardly calculated to raise British prestige which, even in their retirement, diplomatists may fairly be asked to remember. SIR FRANK LASCELLES can suggest no short cut to German goodwill, but our amateur diplomatists generally are not backward in Amateurs at Work pushing their nostrums. Thus Sir Frank Lascelles' colleague on the Committee of the AngloGerman gushing society, Lord Lonsdale, who has had the honour of entertaining the German Emperor and has been entertained by the Emperor, reduces the whole problem to a simple formula: "Trust the Kaiser," who, we gather, has convinced his sporting guest that the German Navy is being constructed for one purpose alone, namely, to defend Great Britain in the hour of need. If we accepted this formula our course would be clear and cheap, namely, to scrap the British Navy and save the cost of its maintenance-which is not inconsiderable-seeing that we could always command the services of German Dreadnoughts. That is no doubt the smoking-room talk of every Hohenzollern, who sees no reason why any Power-least of all Great Britain-should go to the expense of keeping a Navy, except Germany, and Englishmen are invariably indoctrinated with the idea that Germany is their trusty ally. But there is a striking difference in the Kaiser's conversation with Frenchmen, Russians, and especially Americans, and Lord Lonsdale would be surprised if he compared notes with other foreigners who have received smokingroom confidences of a precisely opposite tenor. They are assured ป |