and State of Prussia. Shortly after the accession of Frederick William IV., such of his friends as were friends of peace, were not a little concerned lest he might get entangled in the difficulty between France and the other great powers, in relation to the "Eastern Question," as it was called. They were afraid lest his military propensities might carry him too far, in a moment of great excitement, when (in the month of October of that year, 1840) war appeared to be inevitable. But the threatening storm passed away, and Prussia and the rest of Europe repose in peace. And long may it continue! The limits which we must assign to this notice of the life and character of Frederick William IV., will not permit us to speak of all the subjects of interest to which his mind has been directed, nor of all the measures of importance which have been adopted. The most we can do is to indicate such as are likely to have the greatest bearing upon the welfare of Prussia and Germany, if not upon the interests of humanity entire. And, first, it is a pleasant task to record that the present King of Prussia has inherited the spirit which has prevailed so much in his illustrious house, in regard to the proper encouragement of institutions of learning. It was the chiefest glory of the reign of his father that he fostered seminaries of every class, for the diffusion of science, and of knowledge in all its branches. The present monarch has availed himself of every opportunity to enrich the six universities of his realm by attracting to them men of talents as professors. To accomplish this, no expense has been spared. The veteran philosopher Schelling was induced to leave Munich, and establish himself at Berlin, five or six years ago. To the same university the distinguished jurisconsult, Stahl, was drawn from Erlangen, to deliver lectures on law. When the King of Hanover pursued such a course as drove several of the best professors from the University of Göttingen, the King of Prussia immediately offered the world.* Indeed, he has done almost too much in this way, for he has, as it were, impoverished some of the other parts of Germany. He has liberally encouraged the fine arts also, and drawn to his kingdom some excellent artists.f But the subject of religion, or rather, the state of the churches in Prussia, is one which has greatly engrossed the King's thoughts ever since he came to the throne. We will endeavor to make this question clear to the reader. We begin with stating that the King is a decided Protestant, and holds with great earnestness what is called the evangelical system of doctrine; in other words, the doctrines held and taught by the Reformers. He has a great abhorrence of the rationalistic and pantheistic heresies, which have crept into the Protestant church so extensively, through a want of the proper maintenance of discipline on the part of those who should have guarded the sacred portals of the temple. He deems these errors to be fundamental, and utterly subversive, not only of the Gospel, but also of the foundations of all sound morality. And he is right. But how are these heresies to be expelled from the national Church of Prussia, where they have nestled for years? This is a very grave question, and hard to answer. His Majesty's project for doing this is as follows:-To give the church autocracy, or independence, and induce it to do the work of restoring purity of doctrine to all its branches. To do this, he convoked a synod of some seventy-five or six members, a year ago last summer, at Berlin. With the exception of some ten or twelve individuals, this synod was composed of men of evangelical doctrines, more or less distinctly held and enunciated. To draw together such a synod would have been impossible, if the *It is really delightful to go into the Royal Library of Berlin, which is also the University Library, and see the large collection of well-selected books which is there. We were assured by the keepers, when we were there a little more than a year ago, that it then contained 600,000 volumes, and is rapidly increasing. About $40,000 are an library. them posts in the universities of his king-nually expended to maintain and enlarge this dom. He seems to delight in doing everything in his power to make Prussia, in learning and learned men, to Germany, what the republic of Athens was to Greece, or what Greece was to the rest of There are several very distinguished artists in Germany at this time. Rauch and Danneker are excellent sculptors. So is Steinhauer, of Bremen. There is an admirable group of his, Leander and Hero, in the royal palace at Berlin. It is a beautiful and exquisite affair. choice of members had been left to the churches; for, of nearly eight thousand Protestant ministers in Prussia, the overwhelming majority have departed from the evangelical system, as the faith that saves" is called. The Synod was, therefore, a packed one, in some sense, else so large a majority of evangelical delegates would not have been there. When this body came together, the King informed them that he had convoked them to ask their advice on several very important subjects, saying, however, that he should not consider himself bound to follow their advice. At the same time, he exhorted them to be very careful as to what advice they gave him, for that he should be very likely to follow it. Among the subjects submitted to the consideration of the Synod was that of recommending a Confession of Faith for the National Church, whose hearty adoption should be required of all who would be pastors in it. The Synod recommended, in the main, that of Augsburg. Another subject was the nature, or rather the terms and extent, of the oath or subscription to be required of all candidates for the ministerial or pastoral office. This was a perplexing question. It was found difficult to get clear of a quatenus*—that word which has opened the door to so much controversy, and what is worse, to so much heresy. At length the Synod decided on this point, and all others that were submitted to them, and the members returned home after a session of some three months. It remains to be seen what the King will do. It is probable that, by this course, he will find a Confession of Faith which he will proclaim by edict to be that of the National Church, the Church supported by the government. By requiring an ex animo adoption of this symbol of doctrine, on the part of those who are, or who would be, pastors in that Church, and by giving at the same time a large measure of religious liberty, or toleration rather, his Majesty may in time, by bringing all the patronage of the government to bear on the subject, restore external uniformity, and avowed purity of doctrine, to the National Church. The plan is far-reaching and well-contrived, but we doubt both its wisdom and its justice. Perhaps the King, in his laudable zeal for the renovation of the National Church, could do nothing better. But it savors too much of a wisdom that belongs to this world, rather than that which comes from above. When a good king undertakes to promote religion, or any other good thing, he is in great danger of doing too much. For ourselves, we are inclined to think that the true way to bring about the regeneration of the fallen Protestant Churches on the Continent, which are all connected with the State, and have been corrupted by the unhallowed alliance, would be to dissolve that union, and throw them upon the voluntary support of the people. In that case, truth would have to depend on its own resources, under the blessing of its great Author, and must in the issue prevail; whilst error, inadequate to meet the demands of humanity, having no sufficiency in itself, and above all, no promise of heavenly succor to fall back upon, must fail in the struggle and yield the victory. We are quite sure that, although for a time religion might apparently lose ground, and great confusion occur, yet a pure Christianity-the Christianity of the apostolic ages, and such as the reformers strove to bring back to the world-must arise like a new creation, from a temporary chaos. The King of Prussia holds a different opinion on the subject, and hopes, in avoiding a "disruption," to work out the restoration of pure doctrine to a Church where it has so extensively been lost. Time, which resolves so many things now doubtful, will decide whether he has chosen the better course or not. Another and very weighty subject has engaged much of the attention of Frederick William IV., from his accession to the throne to the present time, and will probably do so for years to come. It is that of giving a Constitution to his people. The nation, although they bore with extraordinary patience the non-fulfilment of the promise of the late King, were in found it difficult to make a selection. The day appointed for opening the Diet was the Sabbath, because the King thought that the serious work to be done befitted the sacred day; nor were due religious observances wanting. On this occasion, his Majesty made a long speech, (he is a fine speaker, and may be fairly styled the orator-king of our times,) in which he endeavored to set forth his views of the subject. What those views were on all points, it is not very easy to gather from the translations of the royal speech which we find in the English and French papers. One thing, however, is not very doubtful-it is, that the King had no idea of giving what we should call a complete constitution, well defined and sufficiently comprehensive-far from it. In fact, the submitted project was very much such an affair as the extorted concession of King John at Runnymede. With the exception of a considerable control over the national purse, it gave little or nothing to the Diet beyond the privilege of discussing, and giving advice on, such subjects as the government might submit to it! great hopes that the present monarch | ble; and, as to the number, he may have would grant this boon, without delay, upon his ascending the throne. It is understood that such hopes were encouraged by royal declarations. Several years, however, passed away before anything was done, and that "deferred hope which "makes the heart sick," began to be deeply felt throughout Prussia. What the cause of this procrastination may have been, the world has not been informed. Perhaps it was opposition from the King's own family, or his cabinet, both of which, it is believed, were at first, and for a long time, against the project. Perhaps it was opposition from abroad; for it is not likely that Austria, to say nothing of Russia, could have heard, without alarm and remonstrance, even the rumor of the intended royal gift. And it is well known that Wurtemburg, and some other petty German kingdoms and principalities, were greatly concerned, and decidedly opposed to the proposition. But it is most likely that the delay was occasioned by the difficulty which the King experienced in his attempts to devise a constitution which would satisfy his own views of what was needed. Nor is this wonderful. Of all handiwork to which a monarch might be set, we are inclined to think that Constitution-making would be precisely that at which he would be found most awkward. But whatever were the causes of the adjournment of this matter, it was at last announced to the world-if not with a heraldic flourish of trumpets, at least with extensive out-givings by the press and in conversation that the long-expected constitution would soon be forthcoming. Accordingly, on the 11th of April last, all the eight provincial assemblies were convoked in Berlin, to constitute a general Diet of the kingdom, to which the Constitution was to be submitted. This body, when convened, was found to number more than eight hundred members,―nobles, burgesses, and peasants-for the three classes of the inhabitants are represented in the provincial assemblies. We are inclined to think that his Majesty committed a serious blunder in calling together so large a body, composed of men elected for a purpose altogether different. But perhaps he could choose none more suita It is easy to conceive that no little disappointment was felt in the Diet when the royal scheme was laid before it, and in the nation when they saw it set forth in the newspapers-although it must be confessed that expectation had not been very high. The Diet, however, lost no time in proceeding with the work of organization, and then commenced the discussion of the subjects which were submitted to it in the royal address, as well as those which were from time to time laid before it by the minister whose duty it was to act as the organ of the government. A session of several weeks ensued, during which very many able and animated discussions took place, embracing a very wide range, and including often subjects on which the government had no desire whatever to learn the opinions of the Diet-such as the competency of the body to decide on the qualifications of its own members, &c. In these discussions a great deal of talent was elicited, as well as an unexpected display of capacity to grapple with the most difficult questions originated by the exigency. Several men of commanding intellect and eloquence were revealed, if we may so speak, to the Diet, the nation, and the | (if we may use the word) the British Conworld-men whose names are now ringing throughout Germany. At length the Diet, having gotten through the consideration of the subjects submitted to it, was dissolved, and its members returned to their homes, some of them to be received with ovations at the hands of their delighted constituents. And what now is going to be done? That is a very grave question, which, not being prophets, we do not feel ourselves capable of answering with confidence. We will, however, say a few words. In the first place, we think that Frederick William has committed the serious mistake-through his great admiration of almost everything that concerns England-of believing that the true way to accomplish the proposed object, is to begin with as little as possible in the shape of concession to the people. Or rather, he seems to think that a sort of constitutional government may be organized with almost nothing in the form of a written and defined charter. But he loses sight of the fact that the times are widely different from those long ages through which England worked out her constitution. There is now infinitely more light on the subject of making Constitutions than there was during that long and rude period. No nation, with the example of England before its eyes, will hereafter be content to pass through what she did. We live fast in these days of steamships, railroads, and electric telegraphs. Everything must now be done with rapidity, if done at all. The slow procedures of the ancients will not suit us. We must reach in a few years, or months, results which with them required long ages. The King of Prussia should bear this in mind. The example of England, in her protracted and dreadful struggles to gain one principle or point after another in her Constitution, will not serve in these days. On the other hand, those in Prussia who demand a constitution ought to remember that the heavens and the earth were not created in one day, although that would have been practicable for the infinite Architect. It required a long time to perfect stitution; and it is not likely that Prussia either can or will obtain a good one in a day, a year, or even several years. In the second place, we certainly believe that things cannot remain long as they are now in Prussia; and as we think that the King is too wise and good a man to retreat from his present position and fall back upon the bayonets of his army, we are quite sure that he will go forward, perhaps not immediately, but sooner or later. We are inclined to think that the rising billows of popular-we should say national-discontent will rise so high, that in a year or two he will be compelled to give his people another and greatly "enlarged and improved" edition of his present meagre constitution. In that case he will probably dismiss his present cabinet,* and call to the head of a new one his friend Chevalier Bunsen, the able Prussian ambassador at the court of St. James-of all men in Germany the best instructed, in our opinion, in constitutional government. He has been for years in London, and has studied on the spot the British Constitution and all the details of its working. He is the fittest man of Germany to devise and carry into operation a broad, liberal and well-defined Constitution. Indeed, we have been informed that he has, at the request of the King, submitted a sketch of a Constitution of a very complete nature; but his Majesty prefers to make an experiment with his own scheme. We have said that the state of things in Germany cannot remain long as it is at present. This is our firm conviction. About one year ago M. Guizot said, in the Chamber of Deputies, toute l'Allemagne est en feu! And, although there was something of French hyperbole in this strong metaphorical expression, yet there was a great deal of truth in it. There are many elements fermenting there, besides a desire of liberty, well defined and practicable. There is, if we are correctly informed, and we think we are, a strong tendency to rush into the extreme of licentiousness. There is a large amount of low, vulgar infidelity, * The present cabinet of the King embraces some men of talents-such as Eichhorn-but it cannot be said to be an able one. It will not compare was at the head of it. with that of the late King, especially when Stein in close alliance with radicalism, socialism, | amount of religious liberty; and in the forand other wrong economical and moral mation of the Zollverein or Customs-Union, opinions of one grade and another, which all prove that Frederick William IV. threatens to overthrow the very founda- must be an erlightened man. On the last tions of society. Still, we trust, that the named two measures we must say a word. good sense, kindly feeling, and almost naturally conservative character of the German people, will keep them back from all avoidable excesses. With the bloody pages of the Revolutions of both England and France before their eyes, humanity entire will have cause to weep if the children of Hermann and Luther should plunge into all the horrors of a fratricidal war. That Frederick William IV. may be so influenced and guided, as to be induced to give his people such a Constitution as will be best for them--such as will render them happy and prosperous-must be the wish -the prayer rather of all good men. For ourselves, we consider him one of the best sovereigns in Europe, as it regards benevolence of heart, simplicity and purity of domestic life, and general rectitude of intentions. We are very far from thinking that he is not liable to make serious mistakes. We think that his ardent and impetuous temperament will hurry him into many an act which he had better avoid. He may not always be wise in his measures, or in the manner of executing them; but we believe him sincerely desirous of doing what will be best, so far as he can see, for his people. He is naturally a man of humane and kind feelings. And we have occasion to know that he is prompt to do not only justice, but even grace, where a proper case is presented to him. His position at this moment is eminently difficult, and he needs a large measure of that wisdom which God alone can give. As we have already hinted, we are far from thinking that, with one or two exceptions, he is surrounded by as able men as the exigency of the times demands. That there are such men in Prussia, we do not doubt, nor that they will be shortly forthcoming. The recent acts of the Prussian government, in giving publicity to the proceedings of the courts; in proposing (if we understand the matter) to withdraw the surveillance of the press altogether from the Diet of Germany, and place it under the control of the government of the country in which it may be; in granting a large If we are rightly informed, the late edict on the subject of religious liberty, whilst it does not release any one from bearing his share of the burthens of the Established Church, allows an unrestricted dissent. In other words, it introduces a state of things in this respect, similar to what exists in the British realm-a state of things infinitely better than that which existed a few years ago. As to the Zollverein, or "Commercial League," it relieves all the portions of Germany which have come into it* from the numerous and vexatious difficulties arising from each kingdom and petty duchy having its own custom houses, and its own tariff. We think it probable that it will have a far-reaching influence upon the political destinies of Germany. It may prove an "entering wedge" to a consolidation of all the northern German States at least a consummation much to be desired. Considerable censure has been bestowed upon the conduct of Frederick William IV. in relation to the affair of Cracow, but we think not justly. We have the best of reasons for believing that the King has been greatly grieved by the deceptive and high-handed course which Austria pursued in that business. The case demands a few words. Cracow, by the partition of Poland among the three great powers, fell, we believe, to Austria. Napoleon in 1807, when he created the grand duchy of Warsaw, annexed Cracow to that duchy. The Congress of Vienna, finding no little difficulty in deciding to which of the two powers that desired it-Austria and Russia―to give it, when they converted the duchy of Warsaw into the modern kingdom of Poland, constituted Cracow, with a small adjacent territory, into a republic,t and put it under the auspices of the great parties to the treaty of Vienna-Austria, *The portions of Germany which have entered the Customs-Union, embrace more than 28,000,000 of inhabitants. Embracing about 137,000 inhabitants, of whom 50,000 are Jews. |