in order to "bust it "-in conjunction with Russia, who is alleged by the cognoscenti to be waiting the psychological moment—we could understand present developments. But it was the act of partisans of the League who pronounced that institution incomplete without the inclusion of the great disturber of the world's peace, and who declared they would never be happy at Geneva without Germany. Now they have got what they worked for, and some of them are anything but comfortable, and no wonder. Germany, as we have seen, avows her intention to utilize the League to recast the Treaties to which the League owes its existence, or, in other words, by diplomatic means to retrieve what she lost on the stricken field-until at last the mighty Fatherland emerges as the victor, while the Allies disgorge "their ill-gotten gains of Versailles." How, we should like to know, will this promote the peace of Europe, of which the League of Nations was the appointed custodian? It is, indeed, an impasse made infinitely worse by the limitless opportunities for international intrigue which Geneva will afford German diplomacy, whose genius lies in embroiling other Powers. As Great Britain is mainly responsible for the gaffe of introducing Germany (which will either cause the League to break up, or alternatively to become an antiBritish organization), our Press might be rather more indulgent to other nations who are Germany's immediate neighbours, and as such are invariably the first to feel German pressure, whether diplomatic or military. No one would be heard to deny that Germany understands the art of making herself disagreeable to any weaker nation, just as she knows how to knuckle down to any she deems stronger. Power As a European Power Great Britain cannot disclaim European responsibilities and "wash her hands of all these never-ending continental squabbles," as urged A European by some journalists who never pause to think. Geography, if nothing else, makes it impossible for us to cut adrift from Europe and concentrate an exclusively Imperial policy," even if we wished to do so and were prepared to ignore any moral obligations we have contracted. Morality sits somewhat lightly on the anti-European School among us, but they cannot alter the physical position of these islands, which in a strategic sense are appreciably nearer the Continent than they were, owing to the development of the aeroplane and the submarine, both of which might become serious dangers if Great Britain heeded those who tell us in season and out of season that we are nothing to Europe and that Europe is nothing to us. If the Dominions could tow their Mother Country 2,000 miles to sea "Imperial isolation" might become a practical policy, but not until then. As it is, the fate of Great Britain is bound up with that of our nearest neighbours, conspicuously France and Belgium, and consequently their security and independence become vital British interests. So whether we like it or not-and likes and dislikes count for little in International affairs-we are constrained to see things through French and Belgian eyes as well as through our own, and it is merely insular ignorance, and not "Imperial thinking," that causes our mentors to speak and write as some of them do about France and Poland-the independence and integrity of the latter being indispensable to the former, and therefore to Great Britain. No Dog in the Manger So far from assuaging animosities and allaying suspicions by installing German Statecraft at Geneva, we are likely to see an accentuation of both. One probable source of friction between Great Britain and Continental nations will be the support Germany is likely to receive in her efforts to restart a Greater Germany Overseas. We cannot be surprised after the pro-Germanism of successive British Governments since the Armistice, if the smaller Continental countries without Colonies seek to relieve the pressure on themselves of their formidable neighbour by encouraging German ambitions outside Europe. If the Peace Treaties are to be "revised" for the benefit of the Fatherland, and "concessions" are to be the order of the day in the interests of peace and good will, que messieurs les assassins commencent." This was in effect Monsieur Clemenceau's retort 66 to one of Mr. Lloyd George's lectures at the Paris Peace Conference in favour of "Allied moderation." If "magnanimity was the wise and right policy for the victors, let Great Britain set the example by relinquishing some of Germany's several Colonies "mandated" to her. Many members of the League of Nations will feel the full force of this suggestion whenever the question is raised by Germany, who has set her heart on recovering all her lost possessions, not a few of which she is confident of squeezing out of our squeezable statesmen as graceful concessions" to the spirit of Locarno and as "an earnest of British good faith." If the Dominions slumber over this question, and allow themselves to be fobbed off with the conventional statement that any such eventuality is "unthinkable," they will wake up one fine day to discover that the " unthinkable " has actually happened, and that Germany is back in the Pacific, in Africa, and elsewhere. It will then be too late for remonstrance, though not for indignation. Now is the time for a frank declaration that any such policy is regarded by the Dominions as outside the pale of practical politics. This is no dog-in-the-manger attitude, as there are territories elsewhere, valuable beyond the dreams of avarice, which Germany might exploit to her own infinite advantage without risking any objection from any member of the British Commonwealth of Nations. We cordially invite German statesmen to study a large map of South America, and note the huge areas calling for the very things Germany could abundantly supply without any challenge to the Monroe Doctrine, and to the mutual advantage of the Fatherland, South America, and North America. Portugal UNDER the circumstances we cannot affect astonishment that French and Polish apprehension concerning German diplomatic operations at Geneva at Geneva should extend to such a nation as Portugal, whose attitude is described by the Morning Post's Lisbon Correspondent (see Morning Post, February 9th) as one of suspicion and fear." Portugal knows that her valuable colonies have long been coveted by Germany, who never forgives nor forgets, and who is eagerly awaiting a favourable moment for killing two birds with one stone -namely, by bagging the Portuguese empire overseas and thus punishing Portugal for courageously joining the Allies ten years ago when she took possession of German shipping in the Tagus. The Morning Post Correspondent adds: The fact that Germany has been deprived of her former colonies and is badly in need of an outlet added to the difficult position at the present time both in Angola and Mozambique, naturally increased Portuguese suspicions. The agreement between Great Britain and Germany as to the Portuguese colonies immediately before the war gave rise to the idea that England might not oppose the acquisition of the Portuguese colonies by Germany. It was forgotten that this agreement was entirely conditional, and that Great Britain's loyalty in respect of Portugal's overseas possessions had not been belied during an alliance of centuries. It required an assurance from the British Ambassador in Lisbon to the Portuguese Press, and a statement by the British Foreign Minister to the Portuguese Ambassador in London, to make it clear that the danger threatening Portugal's continued possession of her colonies will come not from without but from within. There have also been statements in the German Press denying that Germany has an eye to Portugal's colonies, or that they had anything to do with her eagerness to enter the League. The denial of the German Government can but serve to increase the alarm of all students of German psychology. Denial until the time is ripe to announce the accomplished fact is the essence of Teutonic of Teutonic diplomacy. With our reputation as Perfide Albion, who forgives her enemies and forgets her friends, it is only natural that patriots in Lisbon should regard London as resembling Habakkuk, who was described as capable de tout. All we can do is to continually call attention to these vital Imperial issues in the hope that the Dominions will "wake up "before it is too late. They are constantly exhorting the "sleepy old Mother Country to wake up. It is high time the Daughter Nations set us a good example. So many Washington politicians act on the familiar tag, "Find out what John Bull wants and do the opposite," that we cannot help fearing that quite unwittingly certain comments of the National Reviewwhich were cabled to such influential organs "The Second Best of the American Press as the New York Times-may have done some mischief from a European point of view. Until that moment there did not appear to be the remotest danger of the United States departing from that attitude of strict seclusion to which the present Administration, with the approval of public opinion, was believed to be irrevocably committed. None have more openly scoffed at 'Internationalism" than Republican politicians and Republican newspapers. No one had more categorically repudiated the League of Nations and all its works than President Coolidge. In the event of any weakening at the White House or in the State Department, there was always Senator Borah (Chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee in the Senate) and the "Battalion of Death" to save the situation, and by "filibustering" to refuse any appropriation that might be required to permit American participation, whether in World Courts, Disarmament Conferences, or other bugbears of the B. of D. In the circumstances it seemed safe for an English publication to express its real views, and accordingly we emphasized the desirability of European nations being allowed to mind their own business-such success as Locarno might have achieved being ascribed in "Episodes of the Month" to the absence of any representative of the United States. We hoped in this way to help Senator Borah and the "Isolationists to keep their end up against the Internationalists, but unfortunately the observations of the National Review, freely quoted throughout the United States, had a precisely opposite effect, as correspondents on the ground have testified. Instead of "gingering-up Isolationists we seem to have "gingered-up" the Internationalists, and to have weakened the former. We can only express our regret. These accidents will happen in politics, which have been defined as "the pursuit of the second best." "the BE the cause what it may, just as we thought Europe would be allowed to try to set its house in order without the assistance of Washington StatesmanshipLetting us Down which abroad builds less wisely than it knows-we are threatened with a return of the United VOL. LXXXVII 2 |