66 States to the Eastern Hemisphere at a most inopportune moment. Senator Borah, to say nothing of Senator Hiram Johnston, of California (christened by his admirers Hell-roaring Hiram "), and that stout-hearted patriot Senator Reed, of Missouri, who is popularly reputed to eat at least one Briton every morning for breakfasthave grievously disappointed us. We had regarded them as reliable sportsmen with whom one might comfortably go out tiger-hunting in full confidence that they would not let us down. Where are they? What befell them? Has the Battalion of Death been disbanded ? Is our civilization a failure, Or is the Caucasian played out? Not only have they allowed the appropriation for an American Delegation to the preliminary Conference on Disarmament (under the auspices and on the invitation and initiative of the despised and rejected League of Nations) to go through the Senate, but unless all the New York correspondents are lying the Senate has actually voted in favour of the United States joining a World Court by no less a majority than about 5-1, namely, 76 Senators against 17. No wonder the League of Nations enthusiasts on this side are cock-a-hoop. They argue that by recognizing the League to the extent of accepting its summons to a Disarmament Conference-after the world had been proudly informed that Washington Governments only conferred in Washington-and still more by countenancing a World Court, the United States is re-considering its former aversion from the League, and partisans of American participation are heard to declare that "within eight years "the Internationalist triumph will be so complete in Congress that President Wilson's country will swallow the full Wilsonian dose and resume the position marked out for U.S.A. when the Versailles Treaty was signed in 1919. As usual with optimists, the wish is father to the thought. They conveniently ignore the fact that United States association with the World Court is saddled with 66 reservations that make it inoperative, while President Coolidge has made it plain that the United States's acceptance of the League's invitation to a preliminary Conference 66 means nothing more than a trip to Europe for certain American tourists who will in no way commit the Administration. It is a sop to Internationalists" at home. It was somewhat significant to note that directly distracted Europe learnt that she was to have another dose of Americanism an irresistible demand arose for the postponement of the Conference, the date of which is still dubious. American Politicians are so admirable at home that we do wish they would not come abroad. Keys to IT were unjust to suggest that the United States is a unit as regards the debt policy which the Washington Government has seen fit to pursue with the support of Congress. We should never forget, because these two facts supply two keys to American policy-even though it is deemed bad form by New York correspondents or London leader-writers to mention them-that the German-American vote in the Middle Western States looms as large in the eyes of " practical politicians" in the Republican Party as the Irish-American vote in Democratic eyes. These hostile elements were reinforced on the Debt issue by the International Jews, who nowadays dominate Wall Street, and through Wall Street constrain Lombard Street. Such factions form a powerful pro-German bloc anxious to punish the Allies for the crime of defeating "the Fatherland." They found a ready weapon in the Debts which Allied statesmen had thoughtlessly contracted across the Atlantic in the erroneous belief that as they were fighting the battle of unready America such obligations would not hereafter be regarded as debts in the ordinary sense of that term. This blunder is understandable, but we are surprised at the inability of His Majesty's Ministers to appreciate the source and object of American pressure for payment by the ALLIES, which, to speak frankly, is inspired by a desire to cripple France, Great Britain, Belgium, and Italy vis-à-vis Germany, and to enable Washington politicians to play us off against each other. Some Americans realize the sentiments that have been aroused throughout the civilized world by this tricky policy. Mr. Gerard, former American Ambassador in Berlin, did not mince matters in discussing it on his recent return from a tour abroad (see New York correspondence of the Daily Telegraph, February 6th), when he reminded his compatriots that the money lent to Europe by the United States was largely spent in that country at high prices and at enormous profit to the sellers," adding that the spending of that money gave the first push to the present prosperity in America. Mr. Gerard ridiculed the idea that the children and grandchildren of the Allies " are coming to Washington sixty years from now with sacks of gold, the symbols of a conquered people bearing tribute, as on sculptured bas-reliefs of the Pharaohs." We are looked on as the Shylocks of the world exacting from starving peoples our pound of gold. Do not believe for one moment that Europe pictures us as a nation of idealists. Like amiable puppies we seek the good will of all. We have earned only hatred and envy. We prate of idealism, of the brotherhood of man, of the hope of ending for ever the menace of war, and to a Europe industrially bleeding we offer only advice, which is not wanted, and present our bills for money lent. What of FRANCE has made no progress whatever towards any solution of her political or financial difficulties. It almost looks as though her professional Politicians enjoy this distracting and unending crisis. Although prophets continue declaring that "something must happen soon," nothing has happened so far, except the fall of the franc, though we doubt whether this factor "cuts as much ice" with the mass of the French people as it does with International Financiers abroad and the City Editors of the London and New York journals, who regard the fall of any currency as a greater catastrophe than any fall of man. French Politicians are, however, making a painful exhibition of themselves, and though they may enjoy their own crises, the French nation does not. That the masses are profoundly disgusted with the performances of their Representatives is clear from a sensational by-election at the Radical-Socialist stronghold, Belfort, which has startled both Senate and Chamber of Deputies by returning M. Clemenceau's former lieutenant, M. André Tardieu, by a handsome majority. This is almost as suggestive as would be the repudiation of Socialism by Glasgow, or the rejection of Conservatism by the West End of London. M. Tardieu is an able, forceful man who has his own ideas, which are neither those of the Bloc Nationale, nor of the Cartel des Gauches. He was equally opposed to the Poincaré policy as he is to the Briand policy-if there be one, of which the world now entertains grave doubts. M. Briand is a brilliant balancing Parliamentarian who can outstay any challenger on the tight rope. He is immensely admired by worshippers of cleverness in all countries, but stupid people like ourselves incline to think he may be too clever by half, like some "first-class brains nearer home. It looks as though mere cleverness will not pull France clear of present difficulties; but the alternatives are not cheerful, and the only practical suggestion M. Tardieu can contribute is a more or less distant General Election! FEW questions arouse angrier passions than Disarmament, partly because every nation feels that its own security, i.e. its existence, depends on its being adeAn Essay in quately protected; partly because no nation Hypocrisy is able to put itself in its neighbour's shoes and examine the situation from that neighbour's standpoint. Consequently, most nations adopt an attitude that is found exasperating by other nations. None has suffered more acutely from these mutual misunderstandings than Great Britain, who has been compelled by sheer necessity to uphold against all comers the full belligerent rights of Sea Power as being the very condition of our independence and integrity. All the world's jurists have fought us on this issue, but whenever weak-kneed British Governments have sought to placate "the Civilized World" by Declarations of London and otherwise, events have forced us to resume our liberty of naval action at any cost, however willing we may have been after it had achieved its purpose to discuss these "juridical niceties," which even a Whig like Mr. Asquith * See Sunday Express, February 21st. contemptuously brushed aside during the Great War. Our own need and our own experience should make us tolerant towards Allies who likewise have their own vitals to consider, and who are better judges than we can possibly be of their own safety. But the lecturing habit is so ingrained in the British Press that a newspaper such as the Spectator cannot resist admonishing all and sundry, especially Allies— though it never dare say "Bo" to the American goose-to do whatever suits its own whims under pain of its displeasure. We could not count the pins the Spectator has stuck into France since the Armistice, the latest, but not the last, being this offensive suggestion : Great Britain cannot insist too strongly during the next few weeks on her sincerity in this matter of disarmament. In our opinion it would be a useful collateral policy if she pressed upon France the extreme desirability of reducing the remaining foreign garrisons in Germany with a view to their entire withdrawal much sooner than the authorized date. Can we wonder we are deemed hypocrites across the Channel, when an English journal seeks to demonstrate English "sincerity" by ordering France to do what she may regard as incompatible with her own security-and all that we may curry favour with Germany! To make matters worse, its readers turn over a page to find the Spectator fawning upon the Americans with a ludicrous article, "Why not a Coolidge Doctrine!" VIEWED as a strictly business transaction, the recent settlement of the Anglo-Italian debt by the Chancellor of The Italian the Exchequer and Count Volpi, the Finance Minister in the Mussolini Government, is not, as the saying goes, "anything to write home about." But then we have never regarded the Debts incurred by our Allies in the common cause of upholding civilization against the hideous menace of kultur from a purely business point of view. We are not Americans who sat on the fence slanging those at the plough-making all we could out of nations obviously fighting our battle. We have never been out for our pound of flesh, either from Italy, France, Belgium, or any other Comrade-in-Arms. |