tively unimportant developments, remained unchanged. But now, Sir Lawrence Guillemard, the present Governor of the Straits Settlements and High Commissioner of the F.M.S., has come to the conclusion that the precautions taken by Sir John Anderson in 1909 to prevent overcentralization have failed. At the recent session * of the Federal Council, Sir Lawrence Guillemard, outlining the reasons which had led him to that conclusion, declared that the creation of the Federal Council had strengthened the tendency towards centralization, and, with the passing of time, the development of the Council had "robbed the Rulers of even the semblance of independent rule." The alteration of title which had left to the Chief Secretary intact the administrative powers of the Resident-General had "been insufficient to arrest the steady progress of overcentralization. Sir Lawrence Guillemard stated that the crux of the question lies in the need for decentralization; and he then explained the remedy by which he proposes to effect decentralization. This remedy is, in Sir Lawrence Guillemard's own words, "a policy of gradual devolution of the Chief Secretary's powers to State Councils, Residents, and, if necessary, to Federal Heads of Departments, as will in effect amount to abolition of the office of Chief Secretary.'

Provision for direct access from each Ruler-in-Council to the High Commissioner is considered necessary by Sir Lawrence Guillemard; he expressed the belief that the closer their association with His Majesty's Representative, the greater is the confidence and satisfaction of the Rulers. It is proposed to provide this direct access through the channel of a special Secretary.

The High Commissioner has appointed several committees to work out his policy of devolution. They have been instructed to carry devolution from the Chief Secretary downwards to the utmost extent compatible with reasonable efficiency. One of these committees is formed of Residents, to deal with the general question of administrative devolution, and the consequent changes in General Orders. Another committee has been appointed, under the presidency of the Legal Adviser, to consider the devolution of legislative powers. The High Commissioner proposes to restore to the Rulers in each State Council a large measure of legislative power. A committee, under the presidency of the Financial Adviser, has been appointed to deal with financial devolution. The High Commissioner proposes to restore a * End of year session (1925), last week in December.

large measure of financial authority to the Rulers in each State Council.

Such are the main principles of the High Commissioner's new policy. Sir Lawrence Guillemard explained that the policy was subject to the approval of the Malay Rulers; and their attitude, he considered, would be the "acid test." He informed the Federal Council that his policy has, on its general lines, received the concurrence of the Secretary of State, but that no definite decision will be made by the Colonial Office until after full discussions.

The reception accorded the new policy by the public, both in the Federation and the Colony (Straits Settlements), has been definitely antagonistic, the unanimous opinion being that a strong central Federal Government is indispensable if outside capital is to continue to be attracted to the country. The Unofficial Members of the Federal Council, reserving themselves in regard to minor details concerning the policy, have unhesitatingly repudiated the idea that a Chief Secretary is not essential. The Press both of the F.M.S. and the Straits Settlements have, without a single exception, condemned the policy, in terms which range from vitriolic opposition to reasoned expostulation.

Sir Lawrence Guillemard has not advanced any sufficiently cogent reasons to support his contention that the existing administrative machinery needs dismantling; and it is impossible to discover any dissatisfactions deep rooted enough to warrant the drastic changes which the new policy advocates. At the same meeting of the Federal Council at which the proposed alterations were announced, the High Commissioner stated that the revenue of the Federated Malay States for 1925 amounted to "something over $84,500,000." This sum constitutes a record, by a margin of $12,500,000, and in the circumstances this big revenue may be said to be a speaking figure!

It is obvious if the new policy be carried into practice a heavy burden of extra work will fall upon the shoulders of the High Commissioner, who already has the affairs of the Straits Settlements and the Unfederated Malay States to administer, which are in themselves sufficiently arduous to occupy the whole of his time. In connection with the duties in the Colony and the Unfederated States, it has not been forgotten that Sir Lawrence Guillemard, shortly after his appointment as Governor, found it necessary, owing to overwork, to delegate a great many of his duties to the Colonial Secretary, and lent his support to the demand of the latter that the emoluments of the office

should be raised to the level of those assigned to the Chief Secretary of the bigger and much busier Federated States.

The area of the Straits Settlements is 1,599 square miles, and the population is 883,769. The area of the Federated States is 27,648 square miles, and the population is 1,324,890. The Straits Settlements have not only a Governor, but a Colonial Secretary and four assistant Colonial Secretaries. The amount of federal work to be done in the F.M.S. is nearly five times as great as the equivalent work to be done in the Colony, and, if a big and costly secretariat is necessary in the Colony, the question arises why it is considered possible to dispense with a high and responsible officer in the vastly larger and more populous area?

The Governor deals exclusively with the Colonial Secretary on all matters concerning the Colony; and as High Commissioner he deals direct with the Chief Secretary on all Federal matters, and through a special Secretary with the British officers of the Protected Unfederated States. The biggest work is the Federal, because the F.M.S. contains nearly four-fifths of the industrial activities of the Malay Peninsula. The powers at present delegated to the Chief Secretary enable the High Commissioner to escape an incalculable amount of minor duties and petty routine, which, if those powers be removed, must inevitably fall upon his, the High Commissioner's, shoulders.

The Malay Rulers are not a little agitated by the political developments in view. All of them have paid high tribute to the past and existing administration; and His Highness the Yang di per Tuan Besar of Negri Sembilan, who, on behalf of his State, signed the Treaty of Federation in 1896, remarked, with warm gratitude, upon the benefits which the Malay States had enjoyed under British protection and "the justice which had accompanied it." In his speech on the new policy the Hon'ble the Raja di Hilir of Perak warmly praised the existing administration, and his only declared dissatisfaction was phrased very mildly. He said:

The advantages which the Malay Rulers have derived from the advice of British officers need no elaboration from me. It is written large in the prosperous annals of the F.M.S., but I make bold to venture that the Malay Rulers have felt that the growing centralization of all the powers of Government has left the State Councils less than their proper share.

To-day Malays are responding eagerly to the call of their country. For all departments of the public service the broad-minded policy of Government is producing Malay recruits. The education of our children is proceeding on well-thought-out lines, and is enhanced by the precept and example of the British officers who devote their lives to the different Malayan services.

The Raja di Hilir is justified in his statement that the State Councils have less than their proper share of administrative powers. It is not to be denied that a certain amount of devolution in this respect is called for. There should be a clear-cut severance of purely State affairs and purely Federal affairs. But this devolution could be accomplished without altering the whole of the existing machinery of Federal administration.

It is but justice that the Malay Rulers should be accorded the highest dignity, respect, and emoluments; but the fact must not be lost sight of that there is a vast public other than Malay which has created, and is creating, the wealth of the country. Of the total population of 1,324,890 of the F.M.S., the Malays number 510,821; it is the balance of 814,069, made up of Europeans, Chinese, and Indians, which may be said to be the revenue-producing public; it is their capital and their industry that has created the enormous revenue which has been mentioned.

So far as the community are aware, it cannot be said that the Residents have either individually or collectively openly avowed dissatisfaction with the existing form of Federal administration. The Residents are already burdened with heavy responsibilities, and it is to be doubted whether they are very eager greatly to increase those responsibilities. Moreover, such an increase would tend to make them overcautious for some considerable time, and countless matters, which, in the ordinary course, would be referred to, and rapidly settled by the Chief Secretary, would be piled upon the desk of the High Commissioner, which would naturally result in a general and serious retardation of progress.

The State of Pahang, which is the largest State in the Federation, the least developed, and financially the least prosperous, is now rapidly being opened up, and a great deal of capital is in consequence being sunk in this territory, the soil of which has been proved to be so magnificently suited to rubber cultivation. The development of Pahang would inevitably be arrested by any serious political changes. Capitalists, intending planters, and prospective investors, would not be prepared to risk their money in a territory where the administrative machinery is in the process of dismantlement.

It is well known that the F.M.S. owes its unique and rapid development to the vast amount of outside capital and enterprise that has been available since the country became a Federation. That capital and enterprise have been forthcoming because the country is a Federation, or,

in other words, because there is unity of legislation and of government. The public in Malaya have condemned the High Commissioner's proposed policy because it threatens to disintegrate that unity.

Then there is the question of the Federal Council. If the powers now vested in the Chief Secretary are to be gradually distributed between the Rulers-in-Council, the Residents, and Federal Heads of Departments, the Federal Council will become an impotent body incapable of voicing the desires and protecting the interests of the community as a whole. There are innumerable matters of great importance to the four States collectively: Railways, Administration of the Malayan Civil Service, Customs, Clerical Service, Geological Department, Printing, Labour, Posts and Telegraphs, the Supreme Court-these are but a few of the many matters which may be termed purely Federal; and if there is to be no official of high status and no constitutional body capable of dealing with them, one cannot but conclude that the progress of the F.M.S. will be seriously retarded.

The principal effects of the High Commissioner's new policy, were it to be carried into practice, have now been outlined; they suffice to show that the adverse reception which it has met with appears to be thoroughly justified; and it must be admitted that the policy, if not positively dangerous, is deliberately retrogressive and unsound.

It may be said to be dangerous, because it is possible that through the proposed policy the harmonious relations which have hitherto existed in Malaya may be destroyed, and the country may be divided into two camps, with the Malays on one side fighting for State Government, and the Europeans, Chinese, and Indians on the other side supporting Federal Government.

There is one point in connection with the High Commissioner's proposals to which it is somewhat delicate to refer, but which cannot be ignored. It is the position of the Malay Rulers. It is commonly known in Malaya that there is only one Ruler who may be said to take an intelligent, as distinct from a benevolent, interest in public affairs. Sir Lawrence Guillemard stated that his policy is subject to the approval of the Rulers, and that their attitude would be the "acid test." The approval of the Rulers is obviously a foregone conclusion, as it is certainly most improbable that anyone of them would refuse to consent to a change which would give him a large increase of power! And as for the "acid test," the only acid test of the policy, as a