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This was done by Michael Cerularius, patriarch of Constantinople, and Leo of Acrida with him, in a letter addressed to John, Bishop of Trani, in Apulia (in Baronius Annals, ad ann. 1053, No. 22, and Canisius Lect. Antt. ed. Basnage, T. iii. P. 1, p. 281). He derived, strangely enough, the noun aptos from the verb ätpw, and appealed, in support of his theory, to Matt. xxvi. 17, 18, 20, 26–28, as well as to Matt. v. 13, and xiii. 33 (the three measures of meal are, in his opinion, an image of the Trinity!)— Division into Azymites and Prozymites (Fermentarii). Vain attempts of the Emperor, Constantine Monomachus, and the Pope Leo IX. to make peace.The reply of Humbert (prim. ed. Baronius, in Append. T. xi.; Canisius, 1. c. T. iii. P. 1, p. 283, ss.) is given by Gieseler, ii. § 42, note 5. After the controversy had been carried on for some time (e. g., by Nicetas Pectoratus, and others, the Council of Florence at last granted permission to the Greeks to retain their own rite: see Mansi, T. xxxi. Col. 1029 and 1031. Comp. Schröckh, xxiv. p. 210, ss. Neander and Gieseler, 1. c.

• John Damascenus quoted (De Fide Orthodoxa iv. 13,) from the writings of Cyril, Jerome, and Gregory of Nazianzum, those passages which appeared to him to carry with them the greatest weight. He decidedly rejected the symbolical interpretation, p. 271: Οὐκ ἐστι τύπος ὁ ἄρτος καὶ ὁ οἶνος τοῦ σώματος καὶ αἵματος τοῦ Χριστοῦ· μὴ γένοιτο· ἀλλ' αὐτὸ τὸ σῶμα τοῦ κυρίου τεθεωμένον, αὐτοῦ τοῦ κυρίου εἰπόντος. Τοῦτό μου ἐστὶν, οὐ τύπος τοῦ σώματος, ἀλλὰ τὸ σῶμα· καὶ οὐ τύπος τοῦ αἵματος, ἀλλὰ τὸ αἷμα. (Compare John vi.) He also used in illustration (applied likewise in Christology) the coal spoken of by Isaiah vi. 6 : "Ανθραξ δὲ ξύλον λιτὸν οὔκ ἐστιν, ἀλλ' ἡνωμένον πυρί. Οὕτω καὶ ὁ ἄρτος τῆς κοινωνίας οὐκ ἄρτος λιτός ἐστιν, ἀλλ' ἡνωμένος θεότητι· σῶμα δὲ ἡνωμένον θεότητι, οὐ μία φύσις ἐστὶν, ἀλλὰ μία μὲν τοῦ σώματος, τῆς δὲ ἡνωμένης αὐτῷ θεότητος ἑτέρα· ὥστε τὸ συναμφότερον, οὐ μία φύσις, ἀλλὰ δύο. See p. 273, where he shows in what sense the elements may be called ȧvTíTνяа (after the example of Basilides). [Baur, Dogmengesch. 217: In the Greek Church the development of doctrine attained in John of Damascus the point in which the old theology is summed up. He expressly declares, that the body in the Lord's Supper is the body of Christ born of the Virgin Mary: only with this dif ference, that the body raised to heaven does not actually descend; but it is his body, because the bread and the wine are changed into the body and blood of Christ. The Holy Ghost effects this change in a supernatural way. On Zacharias of Chrysopolis, see Neander, Hist. Dogm. 531.] The views which the Greek theologians entertained with respect to the Lord's Supper, were also connected with the part which they took in the controversy concerning images; those who opposed the worship of images appealed to the fact, that we have an image of our Saviour in the Lord's Supper, which was denied by the advocates of that doctrine. Hence the decisions of the Synod of Constantinople (A. D. 754), and of the second Council of Nice (a. d. 787), contradict each other: see Mansi, T. iii., Col. 261, ss. 265, and Münscher, ed. by von Cölln, p. 222. In the decrees of the Council of Nice it is distinctly stated, that neither Christ nor his apostles had called the elements used at the Lord's Supper images. Comp. Rückert, Das Abendmahl, 441, sq. Gieseler, Dogmengesch. 533. [Constantinople declared the bread and

wine to be τὴν ἀληθῆ τοῦ Χριστοῦ εἰκόνα; Nice said it was not an εἰκών, but the body and blood itself, αὐτὸ σῶμα καὶ αὐτὸ αἷμα.]

4 Thus the expressions μεταποιεῖσθαι and μεταβάλλεσθαι were employed by Theophylact in his comment on Matt. xxvi. 28. Compare also what Euthymius Zigabenus said on this passage; in Münscher, ed. by von Cölln, p. 223. Nicolas of Methone made use of the same expression in his treatise quoted by Ullmann, p. 97 (Biblioth. PP. T. ii. Græco Latinus; Auctuar. Biblioth. Ducæan. Par. 1624, p. 274); he also there speaks of a change of the added water, into the blood of Christ. He entertained, in addition, the scholastic notion, that the bread and wine do not change their external appearance, lest men might be terrified by the sight of the real flesh and blood. The true design of the Lord's Supper he conceived to consist in the μeтovoía Xploтov. "The beginnings of theological speculation may μετουσία Χριστοῦ. be traced in the theory of Nicolas, but he rested satisfied [like the Greek theologians of the present period in general] with mere suggestions, while the scholastics of the Western Church fully exhausted such subjects." Ull

mann.

See Augusti, Archæologie, vol. viii. p. 398. On the question whether it was sufficient to administer only wine at the communion of children, see ibidem.*

§ 198.

THE SACRAMENT OF PENANCE.

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The doctrine of penance, which is properly speaking implied in the ordo salutis, presupposes the sacrament of baptism. In the scholastic system it found its place among the sacraments.' Though it is only by a most unnatural interpretation that this sacrament can be proved to possess a visible sign, both Peter Lombard and Thomas Aquinas endeavored to show that it had the matter, as well as the form, of a sacrament, and, as far as possible, to distinguish the one from the other. The scholastics taught that penance is composed of three parts: contritio cordis (in distinction from attritio), confessio oris, and satisfactio operis. Pious minds took offence, not so much at the formal error of regarding penance as a sacrament, as at the lax, and merely external theory of penance in general. Thus the Waldenses, while formally adopting the threefold division of penance, rejected the mechanical ecclesiastical practice in the matter. John Wessel found fault, not only with the threefold division of penance, but also with the definitions of its

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*Concerning the communion of children, which ceased to be practised from the twelfth century, see Zorn, Historia Eucharistiæ Infantium. Berol. 1736, 8. Gieseler, Dogmengesch. 542. [The custom was abolished for fear of profanation. It had been administered to children, following Augustine's interpretation of John vi. 54, because communion thought was necessary to salvation. But Fulgentius of Ruspe suggested, that in baptism children were incorporated into Christ, and so partook of his flesh and blood.]

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component parts. Gerson and others opposed the sale of indulgences. Wycliffe attacked auricular confession." But the discussion of these points belongs more properly to the history of the Church, and of ethics, than to that of doctrines.

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The earlier custom of bringing penance into connection with baptism (by making a distinction between sins committed before and after baptismby the notion of a baptism of tears-by calling it the second plank after shipwreck, etc.) led the scholastics to enumerate penance among the sacraments. Comp. Peter Lombard, Sent. iv. Dist. 14. A. Thomas Aquinas, P. iii. Qu. 86, Art. 4. Klee, Dogmengesch. ii. p. 326, ss.

2 Peter Lombard observed (Dist. 22, C.) that some theologians regarded the external performance of the works of penance, which is perceptible by our bodily senses, as the signum. The external works of penance are the signs of inward penance, as the bread and wine used in the Lord's Supper are the signs of the body and blood of Christ which are contained in the accidents. Thomas Aquinas, also conceived (Qu. 84, Art. 1,) the res sacramenti to consist in internal penance, of which the external is only the sign. (Every outward act might in that sense be called a sacrament!) In the second article, he further distinguished between materia and forma. The materia of penance are the sins which are to be removed, the form consists in the words of the priest: Absolvo te. Compare the passages quoted by Münscher, edit. by von Cölln, pp. 276, 277. [The proximate matter of the sacrament consists in the acts of the penitent-the remote matter consists in the sins, non acceptanda, sed detestenda et destruanda. The form consists in what is done by the priest. Cum autem sacramenta novæ legis efficiunt quod figurant.... oportet quod forma sacramenti significet id quod in sacramento agitur proportionaliter materiæ sacramenti....But as the sacrament is not in the consecration or use of anything, but in the removal of sin, the form consists in the formula of absolution.]

* This distinction was made by Hildebert of Tours (who referred it to Chrysostom and Augustine), see his Sermo iv. in Quadrag. (Opp. col. 324); Sermo xv. col. 733; quoted by Münscher, edit. by von Cölln, p. 274; and Peter Lombard, Sent. Lib. iv. Dist. 16, Litt. A.: In perfectione autem pœnitentiæ tria observanda sunt, scilicet compunctio cordis, confessio oris, satisfactio operis......Hæc est fructifera pœnitentia, ut, sicut tribus modis deum offendimus, scilicet corde, ore et opere, ita tribus modis satisfaciamus.... Huic ergo triplici morti triplici remedio occurritur, contritione, confessione, satisfactione. Conc. Florent. 1439 (under Pope Eugen IV.) in Mansi xxxi. Col. 1057; Münscher, edit. by von Cölln, p. 284: Quartum Sacramentum est pœnitentiæ, cujus quasi materia sunt actus pœnitentis, qui in tres distinguunter partes. Quarum prima est cordis contritio, ad quam pertinet ut doleat de peccato commisso cum proposito non peccandi de cætero. Secunda est oris confessio, ad quam pertinet ut peccator omnia peccata, quorum memoriam habet, suo sacerdoti confiteatur integraliter. Tertia est satisfactio pro peccatis secundum arbitrium sacerdotis, quæ quidem præcique fit per orationem, jejunium et eleemosynam. Forma hujus Sacramenti sunt verba absolutionis, quæ sacerdos profert cum dicit: Ego te absolvo, etc. Minister

hujus sacramenti est sacerdos, habens auctoritatem absolvendi vel ordinariam, vel ex commissione superioris. Effectus hujus sacramenti est absolutio a peccatis. On the difference between contritio and attritio, see Alexander of Hales, P. 4, Qu. 74, membr. 1: Timor servilis principium est attritionis, timor initialis (i. e. that with which the life of sanctification begins)* principium est contritionis. . . . . . Item, contritio est a gratia gratum faciente, attritio a gratia gratis data. Comp. Thom. Aquinas, Qu. 1, Art. 2; Bonaventura in Lib. iv. Dist. 17, P. 1, Art. 2, Qu. 3.-[Attritio proceeds from fear, and not from love to God: contritio is the real sorrow for sin, proceeding from love; attritio is the terminus a quo, contritio is the terminus ad quem. Contritio is necessary to forgiveness. But a special satisfaction to justice is required for past sins; hence penance involves opera pœnalia. The church prescribes these, and they deliver from the severer punishments of the purgatorial fire.] The necessity of confessio oris (i. e. that it was necessary to confess our sins not only to God, but also to the priest) was asserted by Thomas Aquinas, in Supplem. tertiæ Part. Quæst. 8, Art. 1; Peter Lombard, expressed himself more indefinitely on this point, Sent. iv. Dist. 17, Litt. B.-The ecclesiastical institution of auricular confession was established by the fourth Council of the Lateran (under Pope Innocent III.) Can. xxi. in Decretis Greg. L. v. Tit. 38, C. 12: Omnis utriusque sexus fidelis, postquam ad annos discretionis pervenerit, omnia sua solus peccata confiteatur fideliter, saltem semel in anno, proprio sacerdoti, et injunctam sibi pœnitentiam studeat pro viribus adimplere, etc. Gieseler, ii. § 81, note 5; Münscher, ed. by von Cölln, p. 282. The satisfactio operis consisted in fastings, prayers, alms, pilgrimages, mortifications, etc. Thomas Aquinas, 1. c. Qu. 15, Art. 3 (quoted by Münscher, ed. by von Cölln, p. 279.) The practice of imposing fines instead of bodily punishments, gave rise to the sale of indulgences.

* The Waldenses even attempted to vindicate this threefold division by allegorizing. The spices with which the women went to anoint the body of the Lord on Easter morning, were myrrh, aloes and balsam. From these three costly spices is prepared that spiritual ointment, which is called penance. See Herzog, Die Romanischen Waldenser. But the Waldenses still differed from the Catholic Church in this, that confession was not necessarily to be made to a priest of that church, and that they went beyond the external works of penance to the internal penitence of the heart.

• De Sacramento Pœnitentiæ, p. 782: Est enim actus mentis pœnitentia sicut peccatum: utrumque enim voluntatis. Et sicut peccatum voluntatis tantum est, ita pœnitentia solius est voluntatis. For further particulars, see Ullmann, p. 340, ss.

* On this account, others (such as Thomas and Bonaventura) also called the contritio, timor filialis, as opposed to the timor servilis.

† In the absence of a priest it was permitted to confess to a layman; but this led to the question as to how far the sacrament was complete in such a case? See Thom. Aquinas, in Suppl. Qu. 8, Art. 2: on the other side, Bonaventura P. iii. ad Expos. text. dub. 1. p. 229. Duns Scotus, in lib. iv. Dist. 17, Qu. 1.-The sects of the middle ages, even the Flagellantes, preferred confession to a layman. Comp. Münscher, ed. by von Cölln, pp. 283, 284. Gieseler, ii. 197. Klee, Dogmengesch. ii. p. 252, ss.

Epistola de Indulgentiis (Opp. T. ii.) c. 3-5, and c. 9.

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Trialog. libr. iv. c. 32.

* See Gieseler, Church Hist. vol. ii. passim.

§ 199.

THE SACRAMENT OF EXTREME UNCTION.

(Sacramentum Unctionis Extremæ, Unctionis Infirmorum.)

The apostolic injunction respecting the sick, James v. 14 (comp. Mark vi. 13), which probably had a symbolical and religious significance, as well as a medicinal and therapeutic,' gave rise to the institution of a new sacrament, which came into general use from the ninth century, and could be administered only in the dying hour.2 But various opinions obtained on the question, whether it was proper to repeat the administration of the sacrament in the case of a dying person who had received it on a former occasion, but who had recovered, and been restored to life; or, whether it was sufficient to have administered it once? The Church did not ascribe a character indelebilis to this sacrament.s Its sign is the consecrated oil, its essence consists in the forgiveness of sin, and partly also in the alleviation of bodily sufferings.*

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See the commentators on this passage; the Venerable Bede, Opp. T. v. Col. 693; and on Mark vi. 13, ibid. Col. 132 (quoted by Münscher, edit. by Von Cölln, p. 297. [Bede on Mark vi. 13: Unde patet ab ipsis Apostolis. hunc sanctum Ecclesiæ morem esse traditum, ut energumeni, vel alii quilibet ægroti, unguantur oleo pontificali benedictione consecrato.] Innocent I. Ep. 21, ad Decentium Ep. Eugubinum (written about the year 416) Cap. 8; ibid. p. 298. [Innocent III.: Quod non est dubium de fidelibus ægrotantibus accipi vel intelligi debere, qui sancto oleo chrismatis perungi possunt: quod ab Episcopo confectum, non solum sacerdotibus, sed omnibus uti Christianis licet in sua, aut in suorum necessitate ungendum.]

* Concil. Regiaticinum (A. D. 850) Canon 8: in Münscher, ed. by von Cölln, p. 298. [This Council says of it: Magnum sane ac valde appetendum mysterium, per quod, si fideliter poscitur, et remittuntur [peccata], et consequenter corporalis salus restituitur.]-Among the scholastics Hugo of St. Victor was the first who spoke of extreme unction as a sacrament; de Sacram. ii. P. xv.; comp. Summa Sent. Tract. vi. c. 15 (Liebner, p. 481). The doctrine of extreme unction formed, in his system, the transition to eschatology.-Peter Lombard, Sent. iv. Dist. 23, mentioned three different kinds of consecrated oil (xpíopara): 1. That with which priests and kings are anointed (on the head), or those who are confirmed (upon the forehead). 2. That with which catechumens and newly baptized persons are anointed (upon the chest, and between the shoulders). 3. The unctio infirmorum

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