1752. How to make artificial TURQUOISES. it the name, is it a stone. Its softness declares this, and our lapidaries are fo fenfible of it, that they do not polish it on a wheel of metal, as the other gems, but upon wood, or on leather: Nor is this all: A nice eye will diftinguish veins in it; and on a close examination, thefe will be found to be the veins, not of any natural mineral, but of bone: They are of different breadth, and run differently according to the form of the part to which they have originally belonged. A Their history is this: They are fragments of the teeth, and harder bones of different animals, which have lain long B in the earth, and have chanced to be A long fituated over veins of copper : continuance under ground has on all these fubitances the fame affect with a flight calcination in the fire: Thofe who have examined the fea-fhells lodged in marle, for it is otherwife with fuch as are in ftone, they imbibe the particles of the bed, and become petrified; those in marle are all rendered fpungy: And bones in C the fame ftate, are fubjected to the fame change. 509 ment will fhew this: If a few farthings Bones rendered fpungy by the flow cal- This is not only theory: Experiment It has been proved, that wherever there are veins of metal, the vapours rifing from the depths of the earth, as they pafs thro' thofe veins, become impregnated with the ore; and that they communicate its qualities to fuch fubftances as they pafs by in their farther way up to the furface: It is by this means mines are often difcovered. Each metal, when diffolved, has its peculiar colour; and by this miners know, not only that a vein is underneath, but what metal it contains. If lead be underneath, the vapour paffing thro' it, and afterwards making its way up among the tranfparent E ftones, renders them yellow; if the metal be iron, the colour of the stones above is purple; and fo of the rest. We are not to fuppofe this foreign to the colour- F The metals communicate their appropriated colour to the fubftances which they affect; but it is peculiar to copper G that it has two. According to the nature of the vapour which diffolves this metal, the tinge communicated from it is green or blue. The most familiar experi November, 1752. The refult was eafy; the making artificial Turquoifes followed in confequence. In order to prepare the fubftance, I flightly calcined fome pieces of ivory in the fire. I threw them into a strong fo lution of copper, made in a volatile alkali, and after a week's ftanding in à gentle heat, thefe pieces of ivory were fo many Turkey-Stones. The liquor which Iufed was diftilled on purpose, but spirit of hart horn will answer the end. The factitious stones were fhewn to the Royal Society, and were allowed to be Turquoises; and I have at this time feveral of them, not only rough but polifhed, all which our best jewellers confefs to be true Turkey-Stones. ༣. 510 Of PROPERTY alienable and unalienable. We were defired by a Correfpendent to infert the following from the Old England Journal of Oct. 21. Caufa jubet melior fuperos sperare secundos. THE Luc. HERE is nothing more hurtful to A a free people, and that will fooner" excite refentment from them, than any endeavour to leffen thofe natural privileges which, as they have been received only from the Almighty favour, are held only by that Divine tenor. As impiety and undue force must form the bafis of fuch endeavour, an oppofition to it, animated by the Supreme countenance which annihilates all injuftice, cannot but be rewarded with a glorious fuccefs. B Property may be of two kinds, general and particular; and thefe again may be fubdivided into the alienable and unalienable. All particular property may be alienated, but it is otherwife with general property; for inftance-It is the C property of Englishmen to be free, nor can they alienate in this cafe: They may, indeed, fuffer either an unmanly furrender, or a guileful ufurpation of their liberties, but never an alienation of them; for natural rights, which are fraudulently or forcibly with-held from their just poffeffors, may be refembled to fees in reverfion, which will certainly, fooner or later, return into the poffeffion they had quitted. Liberty cannot be alienated because it is natural; and we ought to yield up no other portion of it, than what is inconfiftent with the being of a wellordered fociety. D General property is the remains of that univerfal freedom enjoyed by men before E their union in fociety. The Divine fuperintendence is as vifible in rendering favages fociable, in erecting commonwealths and framing laws to make them lafting, as it can be in any other parts of nature. The fame breath palpably animated that wifdom, which fo admirably blended liberty and restraint, properties apparently, tho' not experimentally, irre. concileable. What liberty was then loft, was more than compenfated by the fecurity that fucceeded it; for indeed no more was loft than was neceffary. Nov. and fenators are therefore no longer fo than they faithfully perform this duty. To be born either the one or the other, and not to be bred fo, is an impudent mockery of common fenfe, and an impious violation of the Almighty purpose, ultimately great, gracious, and irreverfible! We are then to enjoy as much liberty as fociety will bear; and that is all that is fecured to us by law, prescription, or cuftom: And it is as much our common right to enjoy this, as (under the Divine permiffion) it is to enjoy life itself. I was led into this chain of reasoning from the perufal of a little performance, published fome time fince, giving an account of the first formation of New Foreft, in Hampshire, by William the Conqueror, and of Richmond New Park, in Surrey, by Charles I. It is addreffed to the citizens of London, but for the publick fpirit of the matter it contains, might be addreffed to all the inhabitants of Great-Britain. Be the author who he will, I dare aver, he would think the encomiums deferved by the good writer mean to the higher honours claimed and merited by the good patriot. In this fuperior light I fee the character without knowing the man; and it would be a compliment of too selfish a nature to say, it is a character I love and honour. This little Treatife fets out with a complaint against the abufe of forefts, parks, and chaces, and then proceeds upon an enquiry into the origin of them.It is hardly a queftion, whether the beginning of them was more honourable than the ufe has been fince. William, mifcalled the Conqueror, was the first notable foreft-maker in England: This tyrant depopulated 50 miles of fine habitable land, deftroyed 36 churches, and, confequently, as many parifhes, to make a wafte fit for the reception of wild beafts! Every creature has a fympathy to what is moft like itself, and therefore William who was the wildest beaft of them all, Fave them thefe marks of his affinity and bounty. Certain it is, he was no king of men, whatever he was of beafts; for he frequently deftroyed the first to preferve the laft: And methinks, if he was called "William the Beaft," it would diftinguifh him as well as "William the Firft,' provided nevertheless it caft no undue ig nominy on the fimple name. But the Hand that gave us being, with fociety and fecurity in that being, was Aill more liberal: Adored, as it must be! it not only joined mankind in freedom G and fociety, but gave the means of preferving thefe as they were formed. God gave us thefe invaluable bleflings, and infufed us with the lights of chufing kings and fenators to preferve his gifts. Kings But our author obferves, that Provi dence manifeftly exerted itfelf in the pu nishment of this execrable deed; first, in the wretched end of the royal villain himfelf, for he was become fo deteftable, as to be refused a burial and next, in the deathe 5 1752. Of New Foreft and Richmond New Park. deaths of his fon and fucceffor, and another of his family, in the very foreft his cruelty had made. After this, he runs thro' a compendious detail of the reigns from the conqueft to that of Edward I, when all the intolerable grievances arifing from the foreft laws were removed by the establishment of "Charta Forefta, and Magna Charta," which had been long fought for, and the denial of which had defervedly rendered fome monarchs miferable. 511 1. He drove people from their estates, after paying for them more than they wer worth. 2. He deprived the poor, in a great measure, of the benefits arifing from wastes or commons, which he inclosed; for he allowed them only the underwood for firAing, and that at the difcretion of park❤ keepers. Having done with the New Forest, our author proceeds to Richmond New Park, Here it appears enclofed by Charles I. from the lord Clarendon, what a clamour B was raifed against Charles's favourites on occafion of making this park; but indeed the hiftorian acquits them with honour of the charge. There was a park at Richmond before, which made this new one the more unreasonable, and which is now laid out in gardens, and called fo. However, Charles, against the advice of his friends, and the inclination C and intereft of his fubjects inhabiting thofe parts, would gratify his paffion for park-making; and accordingly fet his furveyors to purchiafing eftates, and his workmen to building the wall, almost at the fame inftant! The fight of the wall made thofe who were unwilling to part with their estates, more flexible, and they were frightened into compliance. It was better for them to take gl. an acre, which he offered them, than to fuffer their lands to be enclosed, and thereby difabled from The king foon producing 5s. an acre. accomplished his defign, with as much juftice, it is true, as the nature of fuch a design would bear. But he did not enough consider the hardship of turning people out of their old habitations, to which use and custom had given them an attachment not eafy to be eradicated. It was by fuch exercife of power in general, that Charles drew on a catastrophe, that however would have better fuited a worfe man. Charles's general miftake was, he thought himself the difpenfer of the peoples liberties, when he fhould have been only the preferver. D E F But it must be remembered, in alleviation of his fault, that he did not stop up the highways and paths from one town to another; for he erected gates at all fuch places for horfemen, and applied fixed ladders to the wall for the foot paffengers. Thefe roads he could not purchase, G becaufe they were the property of the publick, and therefore took care to conThe whole of tinue them paffable. Charles's mifdemeanor in this cafe may be reduced to two fhert articles. From that reign to the prefent (according to our author) has the park continued under the regulations before mentioned, of free ingrefs and regrefs for all paffenAnd gers, inhabitants, or otherwise. thall this reign, diftinguished by liberty and loyalty, give a tranfaction, which the arbitrary Charles himself thought a dishonour to his, and therefore confcientiously avoided the guilt of? Shall we fee highways blocked up? Utinam di faxint infecta dicta ne eveniant tua! Some there are who juftify this encroachment, by alledging, that every man may do what he will with his own property. But this fort of logick is rather a reflection than compliment upon the fublime understandings that adopt it. Suppofe a man rich enough to purchase a whole county, which is no impoffible fuppofition, and that the great northern road interfected this county: Suppofe too, the owner of it took it into his whimsical head to wall the county round, road and all, may he not be interrupted f No, to be fure, according to the infallible opinion of thofe deep-learned rationalists and lawyers just mentioned. If the cafe is not strictly in point, I am miflaken. His prefent majefty is fo far from countenancing this breach of the peoples privileges, that he would not fuffer even the nufance of a brick-kiln to be removed from under his nofe, left it might preju dice the owner. Either his majesty himfelf therefore, or his courts at Weftminfter, will redrefs the complaint in queftion, with which obfervation I take leave of both my author and reader. (See the Memorial to the Princess Amelia, in our Magazine for August laft, p. 358.) The following from the London Evening To the AUTHOR, &c. HE Effay on Liberty, publifhed the Tita tremely 1 512 TIM. BENNET the Patriot COBLER. tremely grateful to every true friend to The author of the firft, tho' unknown, The first has, with great ftrength, demonftrated, that we have natural rights and liberties, which are unfurrenderable. Indeed, thofe rights and liberties may be forcibly taken from us by the hand of power; but that force, or a tame fubmiffion to it on our fide, will by no means deftroy the title. Every freeman has the fame right to travel on the high roads of the kingdom, as he hath to breathe the open and fresh air. This is a felf-evident truth. For the lift would avail him nothing without the first; nor would the first be of any ufe to him without the laft; and confequently, the first must be as natural and unfurrenderable a right as the laft. The fame may be faid of water. Has not every traveller a right to quench his thirst at the running ftream? or to water his hofe at the ftanding pool by the way fide? What power can juftly deprive him of thefe rights? or who will prefume to fay they are furrenderable ? Nov. Therefore let every friend to liberty fhew gratitude by a generous imitation of him; it is the only tribute he defires. There is, at this time, a glorious opportunity of paying it; let us but heartily join thofe fons of liberty that are now endeavouring to recover their country's A right to the roads in Richmond New Park, and that will be the best return we can make the hero of Hampton-wick. The caufe is good, and the undertaking is great and noble; the fuccefs (which is not to be doubted) will highly redound to the honour of every perfon concerned in it, especially as they are determined to obferve the utmoft decency throughout the whole bufinefs. I am B C Many attempts have been made to D ftop up particular highways; but whenever the people have thewed a becoming refentment, fuch attempts have proved fruitlefs. An inftance of which we have before us in Tim. Bennet, the honeft cobler, who this laft fummer, with very little affiftance, recovered a footway over Buhy-Park, leading from Hampton to Hampton-wick, and Kingfton market; E which way had been taken from the people many years, to their great prejudice. He firft applied by way of memorial, and therein demonftrated the peoples right to the way, and plainly fhewed the inconveniencies attending their being deprived of it; but finding fuch fort of application to be to no purpofe, he then flew to the laws of his country, and made it appear, that a poor man with the laws may be always a match for the everbearing great one. Your friend and conftant reader, PHILELEUTHERUS. Some Extracts from the Bishop of CLOYNE'S Treatife upon MOTION. Amany years ago now many years ago by the now bishop of Cloyne, having been lately republished, we shall give our readers fome extracts from it, becaufe, in our opinion, it will be of great fervice towards establishing the first principle of all religions. It is wrote in Latin, and intitled, De Mota; fvue de Motus Principio et Natura, et de Caufa communicationis Motuum. As to the origin of motion, he begins with fhewing the obfcurities, and even the abfurdities into which all the abstract writers upon this fubject have involved themfelves; and that gravity, attraction, &c. are nothing but occult qualities, which, abftracted from their fuppofed effects, can neither be explained nor understood; nay, that Sir Ifaac Newton himfelf does not fet up attraction as a quality truly and phyfically inherent in matter, but only as a mathematical hypothefis. It is in vain, fays the bishop, to think of explaining nature by fuch things, as can neither be the objects of our fenfes, nor comprehended by our reafon. Therefore we are to confider, what may be deduced from our fenfes, what from expeFrience, and what from reafon, founded upon these two. Of things there are two principal forts, body and foul: By the help of our fenfes we know, that there is a thing which has extenfion, folidity, mobility, shape, and feveral other qualities. that are obvious to our fenfes; and by a certain internal conviction we know, that there is a thing which feels, perceives, and underftands. We moreover difcern, that these two forts of things are altogether different, and of a quite heterogeneous nature. But, fays he, I fpeak of things known, for to talk of things we know nothing of can be of no fignification. Timothy Bennet's ftation in the world All 1752. Bishop of CLOYNE's Treatife on MOTION. All we know of that thing to which we have given the name, body, contains nothing in itself that can be the origin or efficient cause of motion; for impenetrability, extenfion, shape, neither include nor point out any power of producing motion; but, on the contrary, by a particular examination of thefe, and whatever other qualities there are in body, we shall find, that they are all merely paffive, and that there is in them no active principle, that can any way be suppofed to be the fountain and beginning of motion. As to what relates to gravity, we have already fhewn, fays he, that from that word we learn nothing that is different from the fenfible effect itself, whofe caufe is the very thing we are inquiring for. And it is certain, that when we talk of a heavy body, we mean no more than that it is carried downwards, without ever thinking of the cause of this fenfible effect. A B Of body, therefore, we may boldly affirm, as a thing certain, that it is not the origin of motion, But if any one will contend, that the word body includes, befides folid extenfion and its modifications, an occult quality, virtue, form, or effence, let him vainly go on in difputing without ideas, and in making ufe of words which have no diftinct meaning. The better way, however, of philofophifing, feems to be, to abftain, as D much as poffible, from abstract and general notions, if any thing can be called a notion which cannot be understood. Whatever is included in the idea of body we know, but it is plain that nothing we know in body, is the origin of motion. Those who pretend, that there is befides in body fomething unknown, E fomething of which they have no idea, and that this is the origin of motion, really fay nothing more than that the origin of motion is unknown. But to dwell longer on fuch conceits would be ridiculous. F Befides corporeal things there is another fort of things, a fort of things which think, and that there is in them a power to move bodies we know from our own proper experience; for whatever way it is done, we feel that our mind can at pleasure move or ftop the motion of the members of our body. This is certainly clear, that bodies are moved at the command of the mind, and therefore our mind may not improperly he called the G original cause of motion: It is, indeed, a particular and fubordinate caufe, which itfelf depends upon the firft and univerfal caufe. The bishop then fhews, that all the 513 motions produced in bodies, either by gravity or impulfe, are rather paffions than actions, from which it is manifeft, that those who afcribe any active force or power of beginning motion to body, embrace an opinion, which is founded upon no experience, and which they endeavour to fupport by general and obfcure terms, without knowing even what they themselves would be at: Whereas, on the contrary, thofe who affirm mind to be the original caufe of motion, embrace an opinion, which is founded upon every man's own experience, and which has been approved by the most learned in all ages. Anaxagoras, fays he, was the first who introduced rov vav, as the giver of motion to paffive matter, which opinion Aristotle confirms, and exprefly declares the first mover to be immoveable, indivisible, and without any bignefs. Plato likewife, in his Timæus, fays, that this bodily machine, this visible world, is actuated by a mind, which cannot be perceived by any of our fenfes. In this age alfo, the Cartefian philofophers acknowledge God Almighty to be the original cause of all natural motions; and Newton, in several places, very plainly infinuates, not only that motion was firft begun by the Deity, but that the fyftem of this world is ftill kept in motion by his interpofition. This is agreeable to the holy fcriptures: This is the opinion of the fchoolmen; for tho the Peripateticks affirm nature to be the caufe of motion and reft, yet they allow God to be the author of nature, and mean that all the bodies of this worldly fyftem are moved according to certain ftated rules by an Almighty mind. Having thus pointed out the true original cause of all motion, he inquires next into the nature of motion, and here likewife he thews the abfurdities and unintelligible jargon which the abstract writers upon this subject have led themselves into; therefore, in order to difcover the true nature of motion, he recommends to us: 1. To diftinguish between mathematical hypothefes and the nature of things. 2. To beware of abstracting. And, 3. To confider motion as fomething fenfible, or at least imaginable, and to be content with relative meafures. If we do this, all the clear theorems of mechanical philofophy, by which the fecrets of nature are unfolded, and the fyftem of the world fubjected to human calculations, will remain untouched; and our contemplation of motion will be freed from a thoufand trifling niceties, fubtilties, and abstract ideas. Lastly, |