tier, by the officers and military of Spain, and on our commerce by the cruisers of that nation, had been checked from further progress by the manly spirit and resistance of the officers of our government; and that the system of depredation had been discontinued in pursuance of instructions, issued by the Minister of State, and Marine, to the Director General of the Spanish fleet, on the 3d September, 1805. That from those circumstances, a presumption naturally arose, that there would be an amicable adjustment of all points of difference in that quarter. That the systematic hostility of the government of Great Britain towards our commerce, and its obstinate perseverance in the impressment of American seamen, notwithstanding the repeated remonstrances of our ministers, left no room to expect an accommodation, until such measures were taken as should make her feel our importance to her, as the purchasers and consumers of her manufactures, and as should make her know the injury she must sustain by a privation of our friendship.

The hostile conduct of Britain, and the President's recommendation of defence, had created an opinion that we were to be immediately engaged in a war; but the mover of the bill said, he had no apprehensions of a war, in the present state of things in Europe. The contests there were likly to be of too long duration, and during that time neither party would be desirous to add to the number of its enemies. From the predatory war carried on upon American commerce, and from the impressment of our seaman, England, no doubt, derived considerable advantage, but if America would display a spirit of serious disapprobation and resistance, if she would but speak in the proud language of independence, that she would no longer submit to indignity and oppression, the practice would soon be relinquished by Great Britain, who was too well versed in the calculation of her own interest, to persevere in her lawless system, at the hazard of losing customers, whose yearly purchase of her manufactures exceeded thirty millions of dollars.

To substantiate the charges against Britain, a reference was made to the historical records of that country, for a short preceding period. From these it appeared, that a large number of our fellow-citizens, had been forcibly taken from their ships, put on board British vessels of war, and compelled to fight her battles against a power, between whom and their own government, there existed no difference: In a report from the department of State, it was stated, that 1538 persons, claiming to be American citizens, had applied for relief to their government, and that though Great Bri

tain claimed some of these as her subjects, agreeable to her doctrine of non-expatriation, the great mass was acknowledged to be Americans, for whose detention no cause could be assigned. For the neglect with which those unfortunate men had been treated, it was difficult to assign an adequate cause. When some Americans were made prisoners by the Algerines, and when others again fell into the hands of the Tripolitans, the feelings of the government, and of the whole country, were alive. All voices united in calling for their release. They were accordingly soon set at liberty. In what respect did the situation of those on board the British men of war differ from those who had been in captivity in Tripoli and Algiers. As an infraction of national rights, the infringement in the former was greater than that of the latter: and the situation of the individual was no better; since a British cat-o-nine-tails gave as severe a stripe as the lash of an Algerine. The patient submission of America under these outrages had astonished the world; but it had also impressed the world with an idea of the moderation of its government, and its love of peace.

The next point urged in support of the bill, related to the capture and condemnation of American vessels contrary to what was considered as the law of nations. The discussion on the abstract question, Whether a trade was justifiable in war which was not open in time of peace, was declined by the mover and supporter of the bill, who generally referred to the late publications on that subject, in which the right of America to that trade had been placed on so clear and conclusive a ground, that the ingenuity of all the British writers could not shake it. But supposing the doctrine hel by Great-Britain to be correct, the question then was, Had it been acted upon fairly and liberally? It certainly had not. During the last and for some part of the present wars the principle was never put into practice. And though Britain might not have relinquished the principle, she permitted the trade to be carried on to a great extent without any interruption; in consequence of whish numbers, allured by the prospect of gain, entered into the trade, supposing themselves under protection of law. But those had their vessels and effects seized; and the first promulgation of the law was the confiscation of their property. Ignorance of what it was impossible for them to know, was imputed to them as a crime, and their honourable reliance on the justice of a government, professedly friendly, was returned with penalty and forfeiture.-Nor was the conduct of Britain, after capturing, less injurious; for when the ingenuity of courts failed in warranting condemnation, justice was

still shut out by perplexing difficulties, by vexatious delays, and by enormous expence incurred by the prosecution.

It would be uncandid (the supporters of the bill said) not to own, that many of the captures and condemnations made by Great Britain were strictly warranted by the law of nations. But this applied with more propriety to foreigners, who had fixed their residence in America to enjoy the advantage of trading under neutral rights, than to the real American merchant. These foreigners, under no influence of patriotism, and too generally unrestrained by justice, pursued their object wholly regardless of the country, or of any injurious consequences to which their misconduct might subject it. As such men were citizens of the world, equally attached to every country, the mover of the bill would not involve his country in any difficulty for them, but would willingly surrender them to be punished by the laws of the country against which they were found transgressing. But though protection were withheld from such lawless adventurers, it should not be withdrawn from the real American merchant. It should not be inferred from what was thus urged, that the supporters of this bill were advocates, even for American merchants in that wild, extravagant carrying trade, to which some of them extended their views. Even in doubtful cases, they would leave such adventurers to their own hazard. But while the trade was direct and clearly lawful, it ought to be protected.

From this brief view of the conduct of the British government to America, the supporters of the bill maintained, that every candid person must acknowledge that the crisis had arrived at which the honour, the interest, and the public sentiment of the country, so far as it had been expressed, called loudly upon Congress to make a stand. The evil which had already been suffered, was great-It was rapidly increasing, and like, a cankerous complaint, was penetrating every day still deeper into the vitals of the country. While America year after year yielded, Great-Britain advaneed step by step farther. Yet a little longer, and the commerce of America would be annihilated, and its independence subverted.

Having detailed the conduct of the British Goverment, on which the bill was to be grounded, the supporters of the measure proceeded to state what appeared to them to be the proper remedy. And here they said the great difficulty presented itself—What were the measures most likely to effect the object in view with the least possible inconvenience to this country 7? Under all the circumstances of the case it seemed that the resolution now proposed ought to be adopted. It addressed Great Britain in a mild and moderate though firm language, and said to her, "You have insulted

the dignity of our country by impressing our seamen, and compelling them to fight your battles against a power with whom we are at peace. You have plundered us of much property by the predatory warfare which you carry on or authorise against our commerce : to this we will no longer submit. We do not however wish to destroy that friendly intercourse that ought to subsist between nations connected by the ties of common interest to which several considerations give peculiar strength. The citizens of our country and the subjects of yours, from the long habit of supplying their mutual wants, will no doubt feel a wish to preserve their intercourse without interruption. To prevent such interruptions, and provide against future aggressions, we are now desirous of entering into such arrangements as may be deemed satisfatory by both par ties. But if you persist in your hostile measures, if you absolutely refuse acceding to any propositions of compromise, we must slacken those bonds of friendship by which we have been connected you must not expect to find us hereafter in your market perchasing your manufactures to so large an amount.”The people of their country, said the supporters of the measure, will probably say, that it is too mild for the present state of things, The foreign government will say, that we have extended the principle of moderation too far, and if England is not lost to all sense of national justice, she must own its equity and fairness. No doubt the proposition would strike dismay throughout the British empire. Its operation would be felt by every description of people, but more especially, by the commercial and manufacturing part of that country. The influence of those two classes there was well known: they were the main pillars of the country's support: they were the sources of its wealth, and their representations therefore were always attended to. And a regard to their own interest, would lead them to remonstrate loudly against that system, which would produce an annual defalcation in the sale of their manufactures, to the amount of thirty millions of dollars. This was said to be their vulnerable part. By attacking them in their ware-houses and workshops, said the supporters of the measure, we reach their vitals, and thus raise a set of advocates in our favour, whose remonstrances may produce an abandonment of those unjust principles, which have produced this solemn crisis."

Should Great-Britain, however, contrary to her own interest, persist in her ill-starred policy, the effect would be, that shut out from British markets, American merchants would obtain a partial supply from other countries, and the people would resort to domestic manufactures to make up the deficiency. Britain would find it

difficult to recover our custom, if once it was withdrawn: And a number of workmen, driven by a non-importation act to leave Great Britain, would come in search of employment to this country, and give a vast accession of skilful hands to our manufactures. (TO BE CONTINUED.)

EUROPEAN POLITICS.

Since the completion of our last volume, a variety of events of great magnitude in themselves, and some of them of the first importance to the world in their effects, have taken place. The battle of Austerlitz closely followed by the death of Bonaparte's great enemies, Lord Nelson and Mr. Pitt, seemed to have accomplished for that signal & pernicious character all which fortune, in her mood of malignity to mankind, could desire for that favourite. The accession of Mr. Fox, Mr. Windham, and Lord Grenville to ministerial power again revived the hopes of Great-Britain, and of those nations whose safety was involved in her success. Those who were disaffected to that country, long habituated to form a very wrong estimate of Mr. Fox, had considered his advancement as a certain prelude to the accomplishment of that purpose which they had for years eagerly looked for,because it would be the ruin of England-peace. In this respect they were disappointed. Waving the olive-branch in one hand, the new administration wielded in the other a more sharp and massive sword of war, than had, since the days of William Pitt the illustrious, (Lord Chatham) gleamed in the eyes of France. Confidence again reanimated the bosoms of the Continental Powers, formerly the allies of England, whom the wavering policy of former ministers had frightened into indecision, or into terms with France. Armaments fully adapted to their purpose, were sent to different parts of the world. An army, small, comparitively with that of the French in Italy, but large in power, was landed in Calabria, under General Stuart, and after routing the French, took post there so firmly, as to afford hopes of maintaining their ground against the power of Bonaparte, until a reinforcement shall enable them to carry on effective operations, for the delivery of the Neapolitan dominions, from the iron reign of the Napoleon family. Buenos Ayres, one of the most valuable possessions of Spain, in South America, has been taken by General Beresford, and Admiral Sir Home Popham, and considering that the Navy of England forbids the access to that country of any large armaments, and that reinforcements are on their way there from Britain, and above all, that an armament, destined for it by Bonaparte, has been captured by Sir Samuel Hood, there is every