some of the sentiments of allegiance, upon the fact of the general predominance of pacific feelings and interests amongst those which are known to me; upon their having, in Boad, besides instituting the office of federal chief-a germ of chief Magistracy-called in a set of Hindu functionaries, one of whose chief duties is the settlement of feuds upon the consideration that rude men are universally prone to yield a high degree of moral obedience to civilized power when judiciously and benevolently exhibited; and finally upon this fact in my limited experience—that the heads of the few tribes whose confidence I had an opportunity to gain, acting instinctively from the necessity of their situation, uniformly desired to make me the arbiter of those differences with other tribes, with which there existed no native authority competent to deal.

What we may require of these societies, on the other hand, as subjects, is, in my opinion, simply this-That a Tribe shall in no case aid any other party against us, while it shall yield us active assistance when we can engage to discharge towards it the reciprocal duty of protection-and this obligation of defence it is plain that we must, until specially prepared for it, be very cautious in undertaking, lest we incur the risk of evils greater than those which we would remove; viz. the risk of those which attend war in the region of the Ghats.

The only forms of public authority of which the Khonds have any idea are their own partriarchal form, and the tyrannies of the zemindars. And our authority, to be accepted, must bear, unequivocally, both the external aspect and the spirit of the former, as the tribes of North America first submitted to the Sovereign of England only as their Great Father.

It is plain, that while our supremacy should be acknowledged by significant forms distinct from those by which the rank of the zemindars has been hitherto recognized, we should carefully avoid the imposition of any onerous conditions, or marked badges of vassalage, upon a people in the last degree jealous both of the form and the substance of liberty."

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By "allegiance," in the foregoing extract, Captain Macpherson tells us that among tribes, whose conceptions of the rights and duties of separate societies are so loose and inadequate, he must, in the first instance, be understood to mean vaguely and generally a sense of deference to our power and our civilization, combined with feelings of attachment arising from the experience or from the expectation of the beneficial exercise of the former." And in approaching the Khonds to communicate new ideas of this or of any other class, care ought to be taken that it be "through their patriarchal heads alone." How he proposed this to be done, and what other subsidiary or auxiliary measures might or ought to be employed, may be gathered from the following statement:

"Our first object must therefore be to win those heads to our purpose, and this is to be accomplished-1st, through the personal influence of the Agent of Government-2ndly, by addressing to them individually, every form of direct and indirect inducement which their character and situation indicate as likely to prevail.

To establish personal influence, I believe that there is but one mode of procedure. The Agent must pitch his tent with each tribe until he is regarded by its heads as their best friend, until they are fully assured of

his perfect knowledge of its situation, and of his sympathy with it. The only unequivocal proof of their confidence being their distinct and fixed desire to make him the arbiter of their most important interests, with which their own institutions are too weak to deal, and as before observed, so far as my limited observations go, the tendency to invest him with this character, when the condition of personal confidence is fulfilled, is universal.

The first foundations of the general authority which we seek to build up are to be laid through a wise exercise of the power which may thus be conceded.

As to direct inducements to subservience to our views, there fortunately exists one object of desire to the Khonds, through which, in some situations at least, the heads of society may be very powerfully swayed.

Every Khond has a passionate desire to possess land; and it were fortunate if the tribes of the Eastern face of the Ghats could be won by the grant of all the nearly valueless jungle tracts of Goomsur and Souradah, and if those upon the Mahanudi could be gained by the similar wastes of Boad and Duspallah.

Had each chief Patriarch of the Goomsur Maliahs, for example, a home in the low country where he might occasionally reside without being permanently separated from his tribe, he himself, his family and his dependants would acquire new ideas, new tastes, new wants; would become familiar with Hindu society and accustomed to easy intercourse with the officers of Government; would be brought immediately within the sphere of any influences which we chose to address to them,-ultimately, perhaps direct education might be brought to bear upon them.

The risk to be guarded against would be, lest by conferring upon these Patriarchs separate and independent property, in a situation where they must acquire new manners, and become involved in new interests, they should become estranged from and should lose influence over their tribes.

Gifts of money, cattle, &c. are the remaining most obvious incentives to co-operation, or rewards of exertion, which may be presented to the Patriarchs, and conveniently given to them in return for their yearly offerings of homage, or for those made upon their accession to office.

A very considerable degree of influence may be exerted through dresses of honor, titles, and honorary privileges; any accidental epithet, a complimentary nick-name given by "the Rajah" becomes hereditary, and is as tenaciously adhered to by a Khond family as a title of nobility is in Europe.

Lastly, I regard the employment of the Khonds in public services suited to the peculiarities of their character and situation, as amongst the most important means at our disposal for the accomplishment of the objects proposed.

The formation of a Bheel Corps, which was gradually subjected to discipline in the Bombay presidency, has been found to change entirely the character of the portion of that people to which the measure was applied.”

Direct authority over any of the tribes having once been acquired, through any or all of the means now indicated, Captain Macpherson proposes that that general authority should be mildly and gently exercised in inducing them to abandon the abhorrent rite of human sacrifice. In approaching this more specific and arduous subject, he strongly urges that our first endeavour should be to obtain influence over the priesthood, by the systematic use of every means which the minutest

knowledge of their habits and situation may suggest-it being carefully observed that the Patriarchs also are always to be regarded as virtually, if not professionally, priests. As a subordinate but essential object, he also points strongly to the necessity of obtaining the cordial co-operation of the zemindars, connected with the Khond population. Their direct influence is generally great with some particular tribe or section, and they alone can afford the minute local information respecting persons and things which is necessary to the formation of any plan of operations. They may themselves be powerfully acted on by honorary gifts and privileges, or by the prospect of a remission of tribute in the event of success. In order, however, to the effectual carrying out of any systematic course of operations, Captain Macpherson strongly insisted on the necessity of including in one plan, directed by a single agent, the whole of the Khond tribes, south of the Mahanudi, whether in the Bengal or the Madras territories. On this important point, his own statements are clear and conclusive :

--

"The tribes connected with Boad, Duspallah, and Goomsur, for example, of which the two former zemindaries are in the Cuttack, the latter in the Ganjam district, may be said, in some sort, to belong to one social system. They are all linked together in some degree, by ties of interest or of feeling; and any difference in their treatment would preclude all chance of their acquiring distinct ideas of the character, or confidence in the objects of our power. While experience proves, what their character would lead us to anticipate, that where concessions are to be made, they will far more readily embrace a common than a various lot. These views were strongly impressed upon my mind, upon the following occasion.

The Rajah of Boad was required in 1836 by the authorities on the South Western Frontier of Bengal, but in terms which are not precisely known to me, to announce to the tribes of his zemindary the abhorrence of the Government of the Meriah rite, and to exert his authority for its suppression.

He represented to me, then at Boad, that I knew it was in his power to yield even a formal obedience to this order in the case of many of the Khond districts, only if his messengers were allowed the protection of my camp; and that protection I very willingly gave, as the occasion promised to afford me valuable opportunities of observation.

A considerable degree of alarm followed the receipt above the Ghats of the communications of the Rajah, which were, I believe, made in very vague and various terms to the different Chief Patriarchs.

Councils met every where. The whole population was deeply agitated, and all friendly intercourse with me ceased. In the remote and sequestered district of Ruttabarri it was believed that I was come to enforce compliance with the mandates, and on arriving there, I found that active preparations had commenced for resistance. Very serious results threatened, when the opportune appearance upon the scene of the great Khonro of Boad, whose friendship Thad previously made, removed every difficulty.

The Khonds could arrive at no distinct conclusion respecting the real

meaning of the intimations which were thus made to them; and, under all the circumstances, it was exceedingly difficult for me to give any explanation of them. But the tribes having made out that no coercive measures were then intended, and that I, at least, was there with views purely friendly, they gradually became at ease, and laid their minds bare to me on the whole subject.

In the end, they consented, without much difficulty, to deliver up their victim-children to me, as other tribes have done to other officers; and not as signifying the slightest intention to relinquish the rite, but as a peace offering, or a mark of deference for our power. But to this surrender they assented, only on the express condition that the tribes of Goomsur should also be required to give up their victims. The Meriah children they looked upon merely as property of a certain value, and as victims which could be immediately replaced. Their real and deepest anxiety was, lest they should even seem to submit to a necessity which was not acknowledged by all the tribes within their social sphere.

As the authorities on either side of the Mahanudi did not on this occasion act in concert, the necessary requisition could not at the moment be effectually made in Goomsur for the fulfilment of the condition stipulated, and so the victims were not liberated; and the tribes were left bewildered between the apparently discrepant councils of the two Governments.

I may remark here what I should have supposed to be self-evident, but for much proof to the contrary, that nothing can be effected, in any case, either by the simple liberation of victims which can be replaced; or by the prevention of sacrifices at any particular time, or in any single district, when they can be performed, at some sacrifice of convenience, elsewhere, and at another season. Had these victims in the Boad Maliahs been liberated, I was afterwards distinctly informed that a larger number must have suffered in their stead.

I venture, then, to express with some confidence the opinion, that the same general measures, conducted by the same agency, should embrace the whole of the mountain Khond population South of the Mahanudi, whether included in the Madras or in the Bengal presidency.

Co-operation must also, without doubt, be required on the part of the Government of Nagpore."

From the preceding statements we briefly and summarily deduce the following conclusions, as exhibiting the leading or salient points in Captain Macpherson's proposed plan of operations for the abolition of the Meriah sacrifice. Coercion, as a primary measure, is utterly to be repudiated, as demonstrably impracticable. And yet, in order to attempt the object with any hope of ultimate success, it is indispensable to acquire an influence or authority over the people, which may eventually amount to a distinctly recognized supremacy or sovereignty. The gradual establishment of this paramount authority is to be expected from the steady, uniform and systematic prosecution of various peaceful and conciliatory measures of an acknowledged beneficial character; and more especially, and above all, the administration of justice in accordance with the spirit and forms of Khond institutions, not only among contending individuals, but also between hostile

and conflicting tribes. The administration of such justice, on approved principles of equity, not according to the forms of British but Khond usages, must be entrusted to a single agent, with exclusive jurisdiction over all the Khond tribes. And lastly, the varied and accumulated influence thus acquired is to be brought to bear, with a gentle but steady and augmenting pressure on the abolition of the Meriah sacrifice. Or, to state the whole subject still more compendiously:-administer justice as a means towards the acquisition of the needful authority; and then employ this authority as a means towards the extirpation of the odious rite.

As to the efficacy of the measures thus indicated by him, Captain Macpherson ventured to express "the strictly conditional opinion, that the project of success appeared to him to be such as to authorize a systematic attempt to attain it," -that a "long, laborious and fortunate course of exertion might ultimately achieve the desired purpose, which has rarely been surpassed in difficulty and delicacy"—and that, in his belief, "such exertion, to whatever extent it should proceed, would be productive of beneficial effects alone."

To many, all this may seem abundantly plain and palpable -yea, so plain and palpable as to excite their wonder why it should be thought to need so much elaborate elucidation, or be deemed worthy of challenging so much eclat for the author. Such a cool, off-hand way of dealing with the merits of the subject need not much surprise us. Thus has it always been with the successful discoverers or propounders of any principle or system of scientific grandeur, political importance, or economic value. What more plain than the fact of the earth's motion round the sun when once established by Copernicus; or that of universal gravitation, when once demonstrated by Newton; or that of the advantageousness of free trade, in things material, when once elucidated by Adam Smith; or that of the utter inadequacy of the free trade principle, in things intellectual and spiritual, when set forth with the glowing eloquence of Chalmers! Dark, or obscure, or but faintly discerned, or perhaps not discerned at all, before discovery has unfolded them, or demonstration has established them, some of the mightiest principles that regulate the operations, whether of the physical or moral universe, may, subsequent to discovery or demonstration, appear so plain and palpable, as to excite no wonder, except, perhaps, the wonder that they were not always recognized and acted on. Or, as an old writer has quaintly expressed it, "Nobody will give any body the credit of first discovering what every body might have found