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left uninstructed in that “

would be effected by a well-chosen cellent way,which bears the most and a wisely administered Church authentic impress of the Christian Establishment. But we forbear. The revelation.

government of America has as yet For this great purpose, (which scarcely witnessed two generations. combines considerations of moral The cup of the Amorites is not yet duty with those of state necessity,) full. And events are already hasit is right that a provision should be tening forward, which admonish us, made to which all classes may con- that before a third generation elapses, tribute, even as they contribute to many, by whom the pernicious misthe accomplishment of any other policy of America, in neglecting the object which may be judged expe- important concern of religion, is at dient for the well-being of the com- present but too fondly admired, will munity. And an individual could no point to it as a warning, and not as more plead dissent in bar to the tax an example. which might thus be imposed upon But the absence of a religious him for the support of an Establish- Establishment, in a country that has ment, than he could plead a leaning to- never had one, is a very different wards republicanism in bar to the tax thing from its removal in a country which might be imposed upon him for where it had long subsisted. In the the support of the monarchy. · In both former case, necessity will have given cases, provided dissent proceed not rise to many expedients, by which to the extent of an open attempt to its absence may be, in some imper. subvert the Establishment, it may be fect manner, supplied. The moral tolerated; and provided a leaning appetite will not be altogether retowards republicanism proceed not pressed, although it may not be nato manifest itself by any overt act of turally or healthily exercised. Just hostility against the monarchy, it as in individuals who are born with may be endured. But in neither imperfectly formed lungs, the liver case should either the one or the sometimes performs some of the ofother be permitted to disturb the fices of the defective organ; so there settled arrangements of society, much may arise, and there will arise in less to tamper with the foundations such a community, some mode, howof social order. With opinion, as ever imperfect or inadequate, of dissuch, the state will not meddle, as charging the function of an Establishlong as it does not meddle with the ed Church. But in the latter case, state ; but the very moment the laws where a Church Establishment had are resisted, or force or violence is long subsisted, and where its influemployed for the purpose of defeat- ence was suddenly suspended, withing their provisions, that moment it out any compensatory provision habecomes necessary to take the most ving been made to remedy the great effectual measures that such force or derangement which must thus arise violence shall not be successful. in the moral and the social system,

But America, it will be said-look we recognise one of those instances to America! and we say, look to of sudden and fatal injury to a morAmerica. In arguing with compe- tal part-a plucking out, as it were, tent judges, we would be content to or à laceration of the lungs-from rest the whole question upon the which scarcely any thing less than practical evidence of the necessity the dissolution of the body politic is of a state religion which the very con- to be apprehended. dition, both moral and political, of Now, such must be precisely the America affords. We might refer, in effect of any violence by which the illustration of this, to numberless in- Established Church in these counstances, in which the moral appetite tries may be overthrown. It is cohas been either starved or pampered eval with the monarchy. It has grown -either unduly or viciously excited, with its growth, and strengthened or injuriously or mischievously re- with its strength. Its ministers conpelled; and all for the want of that stitute one of the estates of the realm; steady and fostering guidance which and its property is held by a tenure might educate piety and repress ex- more ancient and more venerable travagance-that sober,benignantma- than that of any other property in triculation of the community, which the land. A sudden violence to such an establishment must give a shock of truth," the stewards, to whom the to society which it could not easily care of their secular concerns had recover, even independently of the been committed, would “


them serious moral loss which must attend their meat in due season." the suspension of its holy and benig. Here, then, is a plan by which nant ministrations.

the objection above stated, may be “ But are not these holy and be- fairly and fully met. But are the nignant ministrations sometimes sus- objectors satisfied ? No. Why? pended, or worse than suspended, Simply because their allegation was by the unhappy collisions upon mo- a pretext for the destruction of the ney matters which take place be- Church, and was not urged with any tween the clergy and their flocks ?” view to the remedying of a defect, Here, again, we are willing to meet or the removal of an inconvenience. the objectors half way, and to ac- Mr O'Connell now complains more knowledge the beneficial consequen- loudly of the remedy than he ever ces that would flow from an arrange- before complained of the disease ; ment, by which the clergy, in what and this, and all other objections regarded their own maintenance, which he and his faction may urge, might be separated altogether from will be cherished with as much more secular considerations. The diffi- lingering obstinacy as a knavish menculty has been, to combine security dicant cherishes his sores, which of property, with that privilege of are more offensive to the eye, than exemption from the cares and an- injurious to the health, and more xieties of worldly business, which it profitable in the exhibition, than is so desirable, for many reasons, painful in the endurance. that the clergy should enjoy, so that It was not our intention to bave effectual care might be taken, that, travelled into any matter not strictly while their whole time might be de- referable to the economical considervoted to the great business of their ation of the question of tithe. Our calling, the patrimony of the Church space does not permit us to enlarge should not be wasted. Now, this upon the peculiar claim of the Engdifficulty is, we think, most satisfac- lish and Irish Church Establishments torily obviated, in the plan which Dr to a liberal and independent proviWhately, the Archbishop of Dublin, sion;—but we trust enough has been lately submitted to the Committee already said to evince the unreasonof the House of Lords, before whom ableness and the futility of the cavils he was examined upon the state of which have been raised against the Ireland. He proposes, that parishes mode in which they are at present should be congregated into unions, supported. and as many as could be conve- It has been shewn that tithe does niently managed, placed under the not fall upon the consumer; that he superintendence of some experien- does not pay more for raw produce ced and responsible individual in all than he should pay if tithe were rematters relating to the incomes of moved. For, though it be granted the incumbents—his duty and au- that the imposition of tithe checks thority being somewhat similar to production, it must also be admitted, that which is at present discharged that the limitation of production and exercised by the bursars of our checks population; so that the supUniversities. Thus, the property of ply will still bear the same relation the Church would be as well se- to the demand, and the consumer, cured as the property of our col- after tithe has been abolished, will leges; and, while the clergy were have precisely the same and no undistracted in the blessed occupa- greater facilities for procuring corn tion of “rightly dividing the word than he had before.*

* Colonel Thomson calculates, upon grounds which appear to us solid, that the loss arising out of prevention of production caused by tithes, supposing them to be universal, may be estimated at less than the hundred and twelfth part. He then proceeds to estimate what the loss would be, supposing the clergy paid by an impost on manufactures,

“ The value," he says, "of the wbole annual produce of the agriculture in Great It has been shewn that tithe does are not obliged to residence, neither not fall upon the landlord; that is, is the performance of any duty comthat the individual commonly so pulsory upon them. Can it, therecalled is not deprived of any thing fore, be the interest of the cultiwhich he could truly call his own, in vators to diminish the fund approconsequence of the imposition of priated to the first, when the only tithe ; which should be considered effect of such diminution must be to as a pre-existing and paramount increase the fund appropriated to the claim upon the land, the satisfaction second? No, surely; unless be of which should precede any accumu

their interest to increase wages lation for the benefit of the landlord. while they diminish service-a para

The true mode of considering the dox which, although it might quamatter would be to suppose that lify economists for depriving of their there are two kinds of landlords. bire the useful labourers in the One kind are obliged to reside upon Church, would disentitle them to the land, and to perform various du- object against the sinecure clergy. ties, which have an important bear- It is also to be considered, that the ing upon the well-being of the cul- first class, or the ecclesiastical landtivators of the soil. The other kind lords, as they may be called, hold


Britain, compared with that of manufactures, has been estimated as being one to three. If, then, the support of the clergy were to be raised by a tax on the produce of manufactures instead of agriculture, the tax must be a third of a tithe, or 3} per

And the consequence of this would be, in addition to the tax being paid by the consumer, to cause a gratuitous loss, or prevention of production, which, if ten per cent may be assumed as the average rate of manufacturing profits, would be equal to ten-elevenths of 3} per cent on the whole amount of goods manufactured. And the value of this would be to the value of the hundred and twelfth part of the agricultural produce, which is what is supposed to be kept out of existence by the system of tithe, as 10o xlix y X 3 to 1 divided by 112, or as I to niq, or something more than 10 to 1;-an inequality not to be got over by any conceivable inaccuracies in the numerical assumption. In which it is remarkable, that the result is independent of the comparative values of agricultural and manufactured produce, and will be the same, whatever is their proportion. The explanation of which is, that if the manufactured produce is less, a greater portion of it must be taken.

“Hence, the real state of the charge against tithes is, first, that the tax, with the exception of a triling reaction, is paid by the landlords, instead of being paid by the consumers, as would have been the case if it had been levied upon manufactures; and, secondly, that there is a saving of more than nine-tenths of the loss or prevention of production, which would have taken place by the other mode. When tithes are asserted to be a peculiarly pernicious and impolitic mode of taxation, these facts are always kept out of sight. The proof of the assertion falls to the ground upon examination, like the proof of many other popular outcries. As the woodpecker, the rook, and the goatsucker, have been persecuted time out of mind for imaginary injuries, so the ecclesiastical rook has been charged with collecting his subsistence in a manner peculiarly injurious to the public, through clear ignorance or concealment of the nature of the process. Some species of commutation might, possibly, be better still. But it is plain that the extended outcry has been made, either through ignorance, or a desire to direct the hostility of the community to a particular quarter by misrepresentation.

“If a third part of the land is, (as is understood to be the case in England,) one-third must be deducted from the estimate of the effect of tithes. And the effect of the abolition of the other two-thirds would be, that the produce of the country would be increased by two-thirds of a hundred and twelftb, or idy; which, if it took place all at once, would cause the price of corn to fall by a quantity whicb, on account of the comparative smallness of the increase, must be, at all events, not very remote from the ratio of the increase ;–or, if corn is supposed at 56s. and fourpence a quarter. But this fall of price (being, in fact, the small reaction mentioned under the heads of tithes and taxes on the produce of land, and to which, in those places also, the same observation may be applied) will be only temporury. And the reason of this is, the certainty that any given permanent alteration in the quantity of corn, will ultimately produce a corresponding alteration in the population that is to consume it, and so bring back corn to the old price.

whatever they possess in virtue of insurgents? There are many reasons qualifications which may be possess- which render it most important to ed by any other individuals in the the Irish insurgents, that their decommunity. Is it an evil, that the mands should be complied with ; humblest individual may entertain and not the least material of these is the hope that his son or his son-in-law the persuasion under which they may, at some future time, be a Bishop labour, that the very instant the of Winchester, or an Archbishop of Church is abandoned, the Union may Canterbury? What interest can he be considered as repealed. Will have in diminishing the chances of this operate as a motive with our such an event, by confiscating the governors, to enter into a bond of fixed estates of the clergy, or contri- sleeping partnership with the midbuting to connect them with a spe- day assassins and the midnight incies of property, to the enjoyment of cendiaries, by whom the Irish clergy which neither he nor any one be- have been plundered and proscri. longing to him can establish any bed? Or, are the laws to have their claim ? Is it any grievance to him course; and is injured innocence to that all the landed property of the be protected, and outraged justice to country is not locked up in entail,— be vindicated ? Are the unoffending but that some portion of it is thrown pastors of an unoffending people to open to enlightened competition, be outlawed, and hunted from their and made attainable by means of homes; or, are the murderers to be moral and intellectual qualifications? arrested in their career of blood, and

It has been shewn, that the outcry made to feel that there is at length against Irish tithes, whether paid by a limit to forbearance, and that atrothe landlord, or paid by the consu- cities may no longer be perpetrated mer, is altogether unfounded. It is with impunity, because the objects not true that the Roman Catholics of them are distinguished by the of Ireland are burdened with the evangelical virtues ? These are quessupport of the Protestant establish

tions which we will not prejudge. ment. If tithe be paid by the con- We have joined issue upon them sumer, as the demagogues contend, with the disturbers of the public the people of England are saddled tranquillity; and the case is at prewith that tax; and not only with sent before the Reformed Parliathat, but also with the stipend, what- ment. But we can have no hesitaever it is, by which the Popish pea- tion in saying, that the decision to sant maintains his own clergy. If it which they may come upon it will be paid out of the fund denominated determine the fate of the empire. rent, it is merely handed over by the For our parts, we have done our land proprietors, who are, generally duty: We have stated our case with speaking, Protestants, to those for freedom, and without partiality. We whom it has been received in trust, are not conscious of having courted namely, the Established' clergy. It popularity, or of having truckled to is also to be held in mind, that this power. We have done our best to fund is chiefly created by English examine the question at issue, with competition for Irish produce; and, minds unbiassed by favour or pretherefore, in reality, falls much more judice ;-and if those before whom upon the land in England than the it must shortly come for a final hearland in Ireland.

ing, can only say as much, we have The case, therefore, is clear. The no fears for the result;—if it should only question is, will the Govern- be otherwise, (which may Heaven ment so consider it,-or will they avert!) upon their heads be the guilt surrender the Irish Church to the and the misery which must necessademands of the Irish demagogues, rily flow from their mispolicy and and the fierce hostility of the Irish injustice.


No. III.



The time is fast approaching, when occasions, which is, to shoot every the state of Ireland will force itself man who attempts any practical imon the consideration of the most re provement in the country, and burn luctant legislature. For a quarter of any witnesses who depone against a century past it has been a subject them in a court of justice, while the to which the attention of Govern- better classes of the Catholics conment has been constantly directed, tent themselves with eternal declaand on which unnumbered reports mations on English injustice, without have been made by Parliament, but proposing any thing whatever for which, from its coniplication, its dif- the removal of the evils of which ficulty, and its apparent hopeless- they complain. O'Connell, indeed, ness, has never led to any important' and the Repealers, have a clear re

Constantly enquiring medy for all these grievances, which about Ireland, they have never done is to repeal the Union, and subject any thing effective, and the country Ireland to a separate legislature. But has gone on from bad to worse, un without stopping to dwell on the der the system of concession, first impossibility of such a measure berecommended by the Whigs, since ing carried, fraught as it obviously acted upon by the Tories, and at is with the immediate dismember. length carried to an extravagant ex ment of the empire, the establishtent by Ministers, till at last all sem ment of French influence in the sisblance of order has disappeared, and ter island, and a bellum ad internesociety has reached a degree of cionem between the two countries, anarchy unparalleled in any Chris- it is sufficient to observe, that our tian state.

sprightly neighbours do not as yet It is earnestly to be hoped that possess within themselves the eleIreland will no longer be considered ments requisite to form a useful leas a subject of party contention. It gislature. has been so much too long, both They forget, when they make this among its own fervid inbabitants, demand, that the experiment has and the great parties who divide been tried for many hundred years, Great Britain. The extravagance to and totally failed. Till the Union in which faction has risen in that un- 1800, Ireland was governed by a lohappy land, is one great cause of the cal legislature; and yet the country, total absence of any great legislative on their own shewing, was all along measures, or any firm steps for the in the most miserable state; and tranquillization of its inhabitants ; certainly the degraded habits and and until it is looked to in a cool disé redundant numbers of the poor, sufpassionate strain, by the English le- ficiently demonstrate that no meagislature, and all the enlightened sures for their practical improveclasses in this country, no efficient ment ever were adopted by their measures for its relief ever will be Irish rulers. Arthur Young observes, adopted. It is a remarkable but me- that the Parliament of Ireland, in lancholy fact, that while the Irish one of those fits of insanity, to which are continually complaining of the they were occasionally subject, once oppressive nature of the English go- passed a resolution, that any lawyer vernment, and the vast injury they who lent his aid to any process for the have sustained from the ascendency recovery of tithes, should be debarof the Protestant party, they have red from practising in the courts of never been able to point out any law; and such, in truth, was too frespecific or intelligible plan for the quently the character of their legisrelief of the prevailing suffering. lature. Like all rude and uncivilized The lower orders of the peasantry but impassioned nations, their measeem to have only one plan on all sures were characterised by vehe

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