Page images
PDF
EPUB

CHAP.
XLIII.

a dictatorship, good for fighting a battle, or driving a nail, can be aught but an extinguisher, an oppression and a curse, when rendered the permanent and normal régime of any country. But Napoleon knew no other mode of government. With more enlarged knowledge of political science, he might, beyond or within his frontiers, have attracted the populations to their new rulers, and endowed them with governments so far superior in freedom as well as in energy to what they had before known, that no reverses or misfortune would have shaken them. Instead of this, not only was such science foreign to his thoughts, but he was indignant when any of his relatives, like Louis, King of Holland, attempted to consult the interests of his subjects, or deserve their esteem. His whole system was thus essentially ephemeral, and even if military disasters had not befallen him and exploded his power, his government could not have survived. The French would have no more borne absolutism for succeeding generations, than Europe would have submitted to be deprived of men, money, independence, and honourable existence, for the glorification of even an heroic idol.

Yet that Napoleon thought his own system the best, is evident from his letters to Jerome and the Constitution which he devised for his brother's new kingdom. As his system was the same everywhere, we may describe his arrangements for Westphalia. In the first place, the new king chose throughout his provinces the men of wealth and consideration likely to be faithful to him. These he formed into colleges of departments, which elected 100 members to form the Estates, 70 of whom were to be landed proprietors, 15 commercial men, 15 professional or literary. They answered to the possidenti, commercianti, and dotti of his Italian dependencies. By the side of this mockery of representation was a Council of State, which with the government, its ministers and prefects, wielded all authority. As to freedom of speech

XLIII.

or printing, Napoleon would tolerate none; and although CHAP. he pretended to allow the sovereigns of the Confederation of the Rhine full independence, he insisted on the proscription, or even execution, of such book-makers or book-publishers as called his omniscience in question. But with all this Napoleon insured the solid benefits of the revolution, the abolition of the privileges of nobility, and the equality of the entire population before the taxation and the law. Whilst thus abrogating fiscal or other advantages to natives, he unfortunately intruded an equally onerous burden upon subject countries, by taxing them for the support of France. Half the State property, including the Church domains of Westphalia, was confiscated and applied to the dotation of the French army and its generals, in other words to the aristocracy of the French empire. Napoleon enforced everywhere the introduction of the Code Napoleon with its important conditions for the division of property; and whilst he created, and even endowed, an hereditary aristocracy of his own at home, he destroyed abroad the old aristocracy, that which alone had any root for keeping life in the institution.*

He thus hoped that the new states and their governments would present a favourable contrast with the old. At home, indeed, he was able to present a most flattering contrast between his own government and that of the republic. The reformation of the country's finance was, as we have seen, his first object of attention on attaining the Consulship. And he never lost sight of it. His task was in one respect facilitated by the bankruptcy and cancelling of two-thirds of the debt under the Directory. But, on the other hand, such a fact precluded the possibility of borrowing. The interest of the debt (the consolidated third) and of arrears founded by the government amounted to

* Memoirs and Correspondence of King Jeroine. VOL. V.

L

XLIII.

CHAP. 53,000,000f., the current expenditure to 450, pensions to 60. The revenue was only sufficient to cover the amount of current expenditure. In each succeeding year, however, the taxes became more productive. The conquered countries were made to furnish their quota. (Italy, for example, a million sterling, and Spain was soon after condemned to furnish two.) And there being no great war till 1805, the first consul was able to appropriate large sums to the completion of roads, to opening of canals, and to a host of necessary public works, neglected or suspended for nigh a quarter of a century. In 1804, the Imperial government re-established that indirect taxation which the revolution had abrogated. Salt, wine and brandy, became again subject to the exciseman. The burdens were cheerfully borne in those localities where industry revived. The severance of France from all colonial trade or foreign supply, gave birth to new manufactures in the great centres, for which the victories of the Emperor procured at least a large continental market. Other parts of the country, the sea-board especially, was depressed by the blockade. If Lyons flourished, Bordeaux fell under a collapse, and the vine growers of the south execrated the exciseInan, against whom the silk manufacturers felt no grudge. The budget of 1804 showed 700,000,000 of receipts.*

These augmented revenues were counterbalanced or absorbed by the prodigality of Napoleon himself, his brothers and dignitaries. Taking a million sterling for his own civil list, the emperor gave 80,000 annually to each of his brothers. To the grand dignitaries were added eighteen marshals, all largely paid. The senators were well endowed, the ladies of honour equally so. The splendour of large expenditure about his court was what Napoleon looked to. But this obliged the govern

*Mollien, Nervo, Calmon.

XLIII.

ment to pay out of the taxes the great lords who CHAP. figured there, as well as the prelates. The state was forced to pay church and aristocracy as well as all else. These prodigalities, with the sums required for the campaign of Austerlitz, but more especially the habit of supplying the deficiency of French finance by the contributions of dependent countries, led to a crisis and almost to a state bankruptcy, whilst Napoleon was at Vienna. The Spanish government, too poor to pay its subsidy in coin, had given bills or orders for specie in its American ports, the produce no doubt of their customs. It was found impossible to get this coin transported to France through the multitude of English cruisers. And strange to say, when it was at last brought, the transport was effected by a British vessel of war. In the meantime the Treasury in Paris found itself unable either to pay the war contractors or to find money for its own issue of notes. The whole affair forms a long and curious story, down to its development when Napoleon returned to Paris, called immediately a council, and summoning all before him, dismissed. his minister, and condemned contractors, including Ouvrard the great capitalist, to have their property seized, till they paid over a certain sum designated by the emperor. This was following the custom of the old monarchy. "You cannot find me guilty of dishonesty,' observed the minister, Barbé-Marbois, on receiving his dismissal. "I had rather," replied Napoleon, "that you had shown yourself dishonest than a fool. There is a limit to the one, there is none whatever to the other."

Towards the close of 1807, Napoleon visited Italy. Much as his thoughts and recollections were concentrated on that country, he still does not seem to have considered it for itself. He viewed it as a mere adjunct to France, which it was to furnish with subsidies, whilst its ports and coasts, occupied by French douaniers, were to carry on and enforce that prohibition of all intercourse

CHAP.
XLIII.

with England, which was Napoleon's dominant idea. His first act, on reaching Milan, was, indeed, to issue an aggravation of the Berlin decree. As the English orders in council forced all vessels to touch, and pay duties in their ports, the French Emperor now declared all vessels, that obeyed such an order as piratical, and liable to capture. England alone had the force to execute its decrees. Napoleon had no power at sea, and he could only supply the want of it by seizing and confiscating all merchandise supposed to be English, even in the hands of private individuals, or in use in contitental households. The enforcement of such a law was a kind of inquisition, that rendered the French officials odious, and occasioned far more enmity and weakness to Napoleon than damage to the English. To surround Europe with a dike against the ocean was impossible. The tide of contraband always broke in somewhere, now in the north, now in the south, and the vain attempt of Napoleon to obstruct it only embarked him in new wars and enterprises more and more serious. In fact, this continental blockade was the most efficient ally of England, in stirring up the different powers, especially the maritime ones, against France. Nor did any cause more largely contribute to his downfall.*

One of the countries, from which it was very difficult to exclude English merchandise, and English versions of the doings on the Continent, was Italy. The occupation of Sicily by the English, rendered insecure the dominion. of France in Italy. This proved the great obstacle to peace with Great Britain, during its Whig administration. Fox could not give up Sicily, and Napoleon could not leave it in the hands of an enemy. By degrees, indeed, he swallowed up all Italy. The queen and little king of Etruria were packed off, the one to Rome, the other

*See Laffitte's arguments against the blockade in the Memoirs of Rovigo.

« PreviousContinue »