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hon. gentleman (Mr. Whitbread) had thought proper to say, that we were beaten at sea by the Americans, because one ship of inferior force had been taken by another of superior; and a right hon. gentleman (Mr. Canning) had stated that our commerce had been swept from the ocean by the Americans. With respect to our commerce, he had to state, that till the accounts from all the out-ports could be obtained, which was impossible till the end of the year, a correct estimate could not be formed of it. However, to judge from the port of London, where a great proportion of the trade of the country was carried on, the inference would be highly favourable. In the first ten months of last year, the exports from the port of London, in official value, amounted to eight millions and a half, and in the first ten months of the present year, they exceeded thirteen millions, a greater sum than for the same period of any former year, except 1809, which was the greatest ever known. No doubt the interruption of the American trade was severely felt in many parts of the country; but it would be matter of great triumph to Mr. Gallatin, if at the commencement of Congress he could give such an account of the commerce of America. In the amount of the revenue of last year, there was only a deficiency of 90,000l. a very small sum indeed in a total of sixty mil

lions.

Mr. W. Smith said, the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer had stated, as a matter of triumph, that 11,500,000l. had been expended in the peninsular war, in the last eleven months, while in 1809, only 2,800,000l. had been expended for the same purpose. He, however, must observe, that the depreciation of currency was not quite so great in 1809 as in 1812; and he believed the quantity of gold and silver exported in the latter year, would account for a considerable portion of the increased sum. The same remark, he believed, might be made with respect to the deficiency of the revenue. As they went on, they would find that 60 millions this year, would not be equal to 60 millions in the last. Nor would they find 60 millions in the next year, equivalent to the same sum now; and, instead of a deficiency of 90,000l. they would see it continually increasing.

Mr. Canning wished to restate part of the opinions delivered by him on the preceding evening, which had been miscon(VOL. XXIV.)

ceived. He did not complain of the government for not issuing letters of marque, but of the absence of all maritime military efforts against the coast of America at an early period of the war. Had sufficient armaments been seasonably stationed off the Ainerican ports, all the American vessels would have been hermetically sealed up in those ports. He did not mean to say, as had been supposed, that the whole of our commerce had been swept away by the maritime efforts of America. What he meant to say was, that the captures by the Americans were greater in an infinite proportion than they ought to have been, considering the disproportion between our ships and theirs. The Chancellor of the Exchequer seemed to have forgot his logic when he thought that this charge was answered by an amount of the exports from the port of London; for the amount of those exports by no means indicated their arrival at their place of destination. His charge against the government for not publishing a counter-decla. ration to that issued by America, on the subject of captain Henry's supposed mission, was also unanswered. The American declaration stood recorded in the face of the world, and the government had not done the country justice in not stating the denial in a manner equally public. Why was such a counter-declaration withheld? Because, said the noble lord, of its being irritable matter. This was humiliation with a vengeance, if the Americans were to be allowed to publish such a charge, and we were not to answer them for fear of irritating them. Much had been said in the course of the evening, on the subject of peace. He believed there existed in the government of France, a determination to pull down this country from the situation which she held in Europe; and therefore we had not only to contend with our other difficulties, but also with that permanent hostility of sentiment, which was not alone directed against our warlike power, but against our very existence as a nation. It was dangerous, therefore, to throw out among the people that peace was easy of attainment. Great distress certainly existed in the country, though it had been greatly exaggerated; but a warning ought to be taken from the proceedings previous to the repeal of the Orders in Council, not to hold out hopes which might only end in disappointment. He wished to know from the noble lord what was the real situation of this country (K)

with respect to America? He had listened attentively to the noble lord's speech of last night; but if any person this morning had asked him whether we were at war with America, or whether there was a negociation with that power, or whether the war or the negociation predominated, he could not have given him a satisfactory

answer.

Lord Castlereagh conceived the statement he made on the former evening, with respect to our situation with America, could not have been misunderstood; it was neither more nor less than a state of unqualified warfare. As to a counter declaration, it would have been improper to issue it until an answer was returned by America to the repeal of the Orders in Council, and to the proposition which had been made to her.

The Amendment was then negatived, and the Report brought up. On the ques tion, That it be now read,

Mr. Ponsonby rose, and explained his reasons for pursuing the line he had done on the former evening. If he had been in the House in 1793, he would have voted for Mr. Fox's motion to send an ambassador to Paris, to prevent the breaking out of the war; and for this reason, because the whole question was, whether the government of France, as then constituted, was fit to be treated with; and as he was of opinion, that one independent state should not interfere with the government of another, he, of course, conceived that a treaty might be concluded with the provisional council which then ruled in France; and he would have confined himself to this opinion, that it was more easy to treat for the prevention of war than for peace. His hon. friend had stated, that there were persons who entertained an opinion, that no peace could be made with the present emperor of France. Now, if his hon.

friend could shew him that such an idea was cherished by any of his Majesty's ministers, he pledged himself to vote with him for an Address to-morrow; because he thought the French emperor might be treated with as well as the head of any other government. His hon. friend had said, that the Address only proposed to the Prince Regent to examine whether a peace could be made on proper terms. This certainly was a mitigated character of the measure; but still it implied one of these two things-either that the ministers were not willing to enter into a nego

ciation, or that the necessity of peace was so urgent, that it became the duty of the House to interfere. Now, if the first assumption were true, it would not be safe or constitutional to address the throne to seek for peace; the Address ought to be for the removal of ministers. On the other hand, if ministers were as ready as they stated themselves, to enter into a negociation, the ground of an Address must be, that they mistook the situation of the country, and did not see the necessity of making peace, even if they could, and that, therefore, the House must interpose. He did not think the country was in that situation; and, however mitigated the form of Address might be, if they interfered at all with the known prerogative of the crown, it would be telling the enemy that the distresses of the country called sent to deviate from the ordinary system for peace. He, therefore, could not conof the constitution, not having that information which the cabinet ministers alone possessed.

Mr. Whitbread went over the arguments which he had before advanced in support of his Address; and in reference to his assertion that a spirit existed in this country, personally hostile to the French emperor, he instanced a pamphlet which was published by authority, during lord Sidmouth's administration, and sent to the different clergymen throughout England, to be read in their respective churches, filled with the grossest falsehoods, relative to Buonaparte; and he inferred that this spirit had not subsided, as one of the paragraphs in the Speech from the throne, at the conclusion of the last session, seemed to speak language somewhat similar.

Mr. Canning defended the passage in the Speech of the Lords Commissioners alluded to by the hon. gentleman; and then went over nearly the same grounds, on the subject of peace with France, as he had before done.

Mr. Bathurst defended the administration of lord Sidmouth, and denied, peremptorily, as far as his recollection permitted him, the authorised publication of any such pamphlet as that mentioned by the hon. gentleman.

Mr. Whitbread said, it was shewn to him by the clergyman of a church in Bedfordshire; and the person who wrote it, [Mr. Cobbett] afterwards declared, that it was circulated throughout the country by order of government.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer wished

to know, if he could see the publication alluded to?

Mr. Whitbread said he had a copy of it, and the right hon. gentleman should have it in a few hours.

Mr. Canning begged to put a question to ministers, namely, at what time it was their intention to bring forward the subject of the renewal of the East India Company's Charter. This was a question of very general importance, and it was peculiarly desirable to those interested, that it should be known, whether it was or was not to be agitated previous to the Christ

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PETITION AGAINST THE CATHOLIC CLAIMS FROM THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE.] The Bishop of Bristol requested the indulgence of the House whilst he said a few words relative to what had fallen from a noble earl (Hardwicke) on a former day, relative to the Petition from the University of Cambridge against the Catholic Claims, he (the bishop of Bristol) not having been in the House on the day alluded to. The right reverend prelate proceeded to state, that it was not usual in the University to give more than three days' notice of any measure intended to be brought forward; but in this instance, it being a measure of importance, six days' notice was given, a longer notice than he ever remembered in the University. He stated this to prove that the proceeding was not unfairly carried through, as al leged by the noble earl; the fact being, that the greater number of those who voted in the minority came from London in consequence of the notice that had been given. With respect to the insinuation as to the motives of those who formed the majority, that they were looking either to preferment or translation, he must leave it to the noble earl himself to consider, whether a mere difference of opinion called for such a charge.

The Earl of Hardwicke trusted, though he was aware it was irregular, that after what had fallen from the right rev. prelate, he should be permitted to trouble their lordships with a few words. He regretted that the learned prelate was not in the House, when the Petition from Cambridge against the Roman Catholic Claims was prepared by the illustrious person who was chancellor of the University, when he had felt it his duty to offer some observations to their lordships, which he was as ready to repeat in the presence of the right rev. prelate, as in his absence. In the first place, it was impossible for him to avoid stating, that considering thegreat public importance of the subject of the Petition, sufficient notice had not been given to admit of the attendance of any considerable number of the non-resident members. For all questions of a local nature, on which the resident members were certainly well qualified to decide, the notice described by the right rev. pre late as the usual notice, and which had probably been given upon this occasion, was perfectly sufficient; but whenever a question relating to matters of state policy was brought forward, it would be more Consistent with fairness and candour to give that degree of notice which would admit of the attendance of the non-resi dent members of the senate, if they should think fit to give their opinions upon the subject; but he could not help saying, that the seldomer political questions were brought before the senate of the Univer sity, the better. With respect to what the right rev. prelate had said on the subject of motives, the noble earl observed, that what he had said was entirely of a gene. ral nature, and not applied to the conduct of any individual. The usage of the place did not admit of questions being discussed, or debated, before they were put to the vote; and, therefore, he could not help feeling that many persons might give their votes upon general grounds, without that knowledge and understanding of the question, which must in all cases render the decision more satisfactory to themselves as conscientious individuals, and at the same time give more weight to the opinions of a great public body.

The Bishop of Bristol repeated, that the notice given was unusually long.

The Marquis of Lansdowne contended that the notice was not sufficient, and observed that he himself, although only a day's journey from London, had not notice

of the intended proceeding in time to be present at the University on the day appointed for its consideration.

Lord Holland observed, that the Petition did not express the sense of the University; the non-resident members not having had sufficient notice.

To

and that his conceptions were equally well calculated for the success of his own enprizes, as they were adapted to circumvent the enterprizes of the enemy. When his plan was formed for the reduction of Badajoz, of Ciudad Rodrigo, and Almeida, he had then determined upon raising the siege of Cadiz, and thereby compelling VOTE OF THANKS TO THE MARQUIS OF the French to evacuate Andalusia. My WELLINGTON VICTORY OF SALAMANCA.] lords, these objects were the first in lord Earl Bathurst rose, and addressed the Wellington's consideration, and for impor House to the following purport: My lords, tant reasons which pressed themselves in rising to address this House upon a sub- most forcibly upon his mind. From the ject of Thanks to our gallant and distin- very beginning of the campaign his opera. guished general who gained the victory of tions pointed to the situation of the enemy Salamanca, I am confident there can be no in the south, and particularly to the prinno difference of opinion amongst your cipal army under Soult, as the capture of lordships, with respect to the motion I the invader's battering artillery at Ciudad mean to propose. But before I submit Rodrigo rendered it impracticable to unthis proposition, your lordships will, I trust, dertake any siege of consequence; or, at permit me to make a few observations that season of the year, to advance into upon the principles of military policy and Portugal with any considerable force. In motives which induced the marquis of carrying on the siege of Cadiz, the goWellington to pursue those measures which vernment of Spain had long been confined eventually brought forth a victory, not within its walls, its power was become only productive of fame to the commander, considerably restricted, its reputation but of additional glory to the national among the people had been somewhat decharacter. In doing this I shall advance graded, and its influence upon the Spanish nothing of speculation, but confine my-dependencies materially lessened. self to facts contained in documents al- free the government from this confineready before your lordships and the pub-ment, and thereby to give new life to the lic. When lord Wellington had planned the siege and reduction of Badajoz, his great mind suggested ulterior objects, which would ultimately affect the success of our cause in the peninsula. My lords, I am not disposed, at this time, to allude in any manner to the mode of conducting the campaign; further than to the ability with which the noble marquis has, at all times, and in all situations, employed the resources committed to his care. No general, my lords, was ever more careful of the troops entrusted to his command-no general ever more cautiously avoided the sacrifice of lives, when the object to be attained was not equal to the expenditure of so much blood. This disposition marks the career of his military success, and has been particularly manifested in the course of this campaign. From the documents I possess, and not those only which were transmitted after the effect was produced, but those which were written when the plan was conceived, the extent of his genius, and the wisdom of his undertakings are most strongly designated and incontrovertibly proved. They likewise shew how much superior he was to those able generals against whom he had to contend,

At

energies of the Spanish nation, was one
object of our general's forecast, and led
to the measures which he afterwards pur-
sued. For this purpose, after he had most
ably contrived the mode of assault, which
succeeded even beyond his own expecta-
tions, whereby Badajoz was taken, he had
in the first instance determined upon
marching into the province of Andalusia,
and oblige the evacuation of that province
by the French, which was another object
for which he concerted his plans.
this period it occurred to him, that the
possession of Andalusia was more impor-
tant than that of the other provinces. The
people had been for some time subject to
the power of the enemy, and had gradually
become less hostile to their presence, and
some danger existed of their forgetting
their connection with their legitimate go-
vernment. To drive the French from the
possession of such a province, would be
more conducive to the promotion of the
Spanish cause than to enter Castile. In
Castile the enemy's army were differently
situated: if they had troops stationed in a
village, that village was obliged to be
strongly fortified: and if the distance
from one village to another was five or

six miles, such was the disposition of the approached the Douro, and the English Spanish people in that province, that the were advanced to the Guerena, I canFrench were under the necessity of form not at this time refrain from noticing ing redoubts, for the purpose of prevent- that disposition which has peculiarly ing their communication being intercepted. distinguished the character of lord Wel These were lord Wellington's first inten- lington. Lord Wellington had a fations, and these were the measures he pur-vourable opportunity of giving battle to posed to pursue; and although circum- Marmont, and he was confident the issue stances occurred which led him to change would have been successful; but he dehis plans, yet the object of them continued clined that opportunity, because he knew the same. General Marmont having come however brilliant the achievement, it would with an army from the north, and ad- cost more lives than would be compenvanced upon the Agueda, soon called sated by the object of victory. Let any forth the attention of our general, and one reflect on the different means which other circumstances having intervened, he he used for two days, to circumvent all was at length determined to change his the schemes of the French general. The intended course, and march into Castile. policy that each was pursuing became Marmont, in the mean time, used every distinctly different, on account of the efendeavour, but in vain, to relieve the for- fect they endeavoured to produce. Martress of Almeida, and at length posted mont was anxious to bring the English himself strongly upon the bridge of Al- to a general engagement, upon ground marez, by which means he endeavoured, not actually unfavourable. Lord Welnot only to act in opposition to lord Wellington, on the other hand, wished to avoid lington, but to effect a communication an engagement, unless he could commence with the army of Soult. To your lord- it under favourable circumstances.-The ships is well known the promptitude and noble earl then took a view of the operaintrepidity with which the French were re-tions of the contending armies immediately moved from that position, and the commu- previous to the battle of Salamanca, and nications cut off between the army of Por-particularly adverted to the skill and gal. tugal and the army under Soult in the southern provinces. Indeed, my lords, such were the skill and management of the noble marquis during this period of the campaign, that no words which I can use would be adequate to represent their value. It afterwards happened that a correspondence between the French generals was intercepted, and the papers fell into our hands. From these letters we were made acquainted with their sentiments on this subject; and perhaps no greater eulogium could possibly bebestowed upon lord Wellington than was contained in their observations. From these it appeared that no movement of the enemy could disappoint his plans or controvert his projects; while on their part no movement was concerted but it was anticipated-no expectation was raised but it ended in disappointment-no fear was entertained but it became realized. In one of these intercepted letters it is said, " he must read our correspondence, or he must dive into our hearts, for no sooner do we form a design than he knows it, and forms measures to defeat it." Nothing, my lords, could equal the wisdom which marked all lord Wellington's movements previous to the battle of Salamanca. If we turn our attention to his manœuvres after Marmont

lantry displayed by sir Thomas Graham in executing one of the orders of his illustrious chief-an achievement which was performed within sight of the hostile armies. The object of gaining that post furnished another striking proof of the uniform unwillingness of our illustrious commander to commit the general safety of his armies, or unnecessarily to risque the lives of his soldiers. His lordship then noticed the circumstances of Marmont's receiving reinforcements from the northern army, and panegyrised the ablé retreat of the British commander, in consequence, without loss, and in such a way, as enabled the allied force in that quarter to form a junction. The manner in which lord Wellington passed the Tormes, and afterwards drew up in front of Marmont, who was extending his left to cut off his opponent from communicating with Salamanca and Ciudad Rodrigo, was a brilliant and admirable military manoeuvre. In this situation it was not lord Wellington's intention to engage; and it was Marmont's policy to drive him to that measure. Lord Wellington cautiously watched the operations which were at tempted to intercept him on one side, and force him to battle on the other, and at the same time he was not remiss in wait

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