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the latter consists of notes on detached passages. The chief objects of the commentary are the degree of power to be allowed to congress, and the commerce of this new empire. On the necessary power, the count differs from our countryman ; but we apprehend America has already decided the queftion by leaving its national assembly very little, and that little disputed. The destructive effects of commerce have exercised the powers of every superficial declaimer; and our au:hor, who deserves a superior title, is content to mix with the fervile herd. Let the merchant, who builds his ware-houses, constructs veffels, and speculates in different attempts, prefer, if he pleases the gloomy calculations of the counting-house, to the sweet view of nature, the interesting riches of the country.-Do not disturb him: let his property be as sacred as that of others, let his liberty be inviolable under the protection of the laws. But he is an inhabitant, not a citizen of your empire. He has preferred the world; when he chuses it he shall have a country. He wiil, at some period, convert his money into land ; and this change, favourable to your spirit and your manners, will be the ultimate ambition of all
your inhabits ants. Consequently, without violence, without restraint, without laws, prohibitions, or injustice, you will place in the highest estimation, this innocent and fraiernal art of agricul-, ture, which inereases population, nourithes the spirit of freedom, supplies defenders to their country, advice to its assemblies, arbitrators of difference, friends of virtue, and, since riches must be regarded, real riches which may increase without danger, and whose contagion is by no means formidable.' -What a pleasing but delusive image, and how inconsistent with the views of the author's governors, who have kindled the flames of war in every quarter of the world, merely to extend its commerce! Both extremes may be equally fatal ; but language as plaufible and animated may be employed in the recommendation of commerce, properly regulated, which connects the moft disant quarters of the globe, and forms one harmonious family of nations, separated by unfathomable feas, and trackless deserts.
The detached notes are on air balloons, for no work now can appear without some mention of these exhibitions; on the representation of Great Britain in parliament; and on the kind of commerce best adapted for the Americans. The two last subjects are not easily affected, either by the speculations of Dr. Price, his commentator, or reviewer. On the first, we may perhaps be indulged with a few relications, fince the count communicates to us the observations of a very respectable chemift and philosopher, the duc de Chậuines.
Monf. de Mirabeau expresses his surprize, that the English Mould have passed fo rapidly from the molt absurd incredulity, and the most inexplicable indifference on this subject, to an unexampled enthufiafın for the most ignorant pretenders.' It has indeed roused the indignation of many, and we have expressed our's in very strong terms, that Mr. Lunardi, " for having afcended in a balloon badly made, and indifferently filled, which would scarcely have lifted him, if he had not discharged all his apparatus, and changed his gallery, should have received greater honours than Cook ever experienced.' Blanchard, the rival of Lunardi, in his popularity, has not, in our author's opinion, higher pretensions to the honours heaped on him. The count's complaisance attributes the contempt of the English philosophers to the indignation felt, on seeing a plan,which should have been improved by filence and attention, transformed into a fascinating and childish spectacle.'-May we be allowed to add, that some part of their inattention arose from having foreseen difficulties, in their nature insurmountable, which would probably prevent the scheme from being applied to any useful purpose.
The duke's memoir contains a short history of the different aerostatic globes, and the means of procuring the inflammable air designed to fill them. He explains too, the proposal of that very intelligent academician, monf. Meunier. His bal. loon contains a little one filled with common air ; so that, in the higher regions, when the inflammable air expands, it expels the atmospheric air, which adapts the balloon to that state of the atmosphere into which it has arifen, and prevents the escape of the more precious fluid. The common air is to be again supplied, when necessary, with a pair of bellows in the gallery. We strongly suspect that this plan is, at present, theoretical : but the objections which we perceive to it are not infurmountable ; and it is probable that the machine may, in this way, be rendered more permanent. Perhaps the power
of directing it is still wanting. The difficulties which we mentioned to this improvement, suggested themselves also to the duke, and he is at last reduced to the following expedient. As we know, fays he, that at different heights, the currents of air move in different directions, and, as we can raise or lower the machine at pleasure, we must search for these currents which are favourable to our course. This is indeed a precarious plan; but, in reality, our power over the height of the machine will limit the experiment, as we do not find that it can be exerted but at the expence of the materials. It seems not to have occurred to Monf. Meunier, the author of the above improvement, that, so soon as his common air is once
exhausted, it must be supplied from that rarefied ftratum in which the balloon is, and consequently cannot contribute to fink it. We must then have recourse to, we fear, a weak expedient, the oar, or to the discharge of the ballalt; in either way, the expedition must be soon at an end. The uses of balloons, described by the duke, are nearly the same as those which we have formerly mentioned. The steadiness of this machine cannot be sufficiently great, to take any good aftronomical observation by its means ; and we want not its afiftance to draw the plan of a country.
We fear that the greater part of this work is fplendid but delufive, plaufible but erroneous. Time, and time only will draw off the veil, which different causes have fpread over the political part of the subject : the philosophical will perhaps yield to the next fashion, which itrongly engages the imagination.
Confiderations on the Order of Cincinnatus ; to which are added,
as well several original Papers relative to that Inftitution, as also a Letter from the late M. Turgot, Comptroller of the Finances in France, to Dr. Price, on the Constitutions of Ame: rica; and an Abstract of Dr. Price's Observations on the Inportance of the American Revolution ; with Notes and Reflections upon that Work. Translated from the French of the Count de Mirabeau. 8vo.
8vo. 45. Jewed. Johnson. WE E have given a general account of the work in the pre
ceding article, and our present business is chiefly to examine the translation ; for the additions are very inconsiderable: we have observed only two short notes which the translátor claims as his own. From the comparison which we have been enabled to make, we cannot object to the fidelity of the translation ; but we sometimes perceive an affected ornament, not warranted by the original. The language of the count, relating to the new order, is animated and indignant, though clear and precise : the translator frequently foars above him; and sometimes seems to be lost in the clouds into which he is raised. The most frequent fault, however, is want of neatness and fimplicity; but it does not very often occur.
In our former article we have given a little specimen of the author's desire to bring back the age of innocence and feclufion ; that each man may drink of his own wine under the tree which has produced it. With the destruction of commerce, public debts are also to be paid. In this manner he addresses the Americans ; and we shall select the following pa
ragraphs Pagraphs as a specimen of his observations, and of the tranflator's execation.
• To speak without reserve. I cannot approve the arithmetical spirit which reigns throughout the chapter upon public debts. One reads of nothing but of millons, and of the means of increafing them ; of growing intereit ; of a produce, which in a few years doubles its capital, triples it, multiplies it to a degree which I had rather admit without invettigation, than pore over the disgusting calculation Why this dazzling display of gold before the eyes of the fons of freedom, and the cultivators of a land favoured by heaven? What avail the means, whether real or imaginary, of becoming rich and corrupted, where the only object to be pursued, is to establish the reign of virtive and happiness ? Your debt, my friends, amounts to nine millions. Pay it quietly, gradually, without any extraordinary effort, by judicious contributions levied upon the land-owners ; deny yourSelves, for a time, some of the comforts of life. That facrifice will be the price of your liberty : can it then be burthenfome to your brave and generous minds ? Let every public service be discharged by yourselves ; let the contribution diminith in proportion as the debt is discharged ; and let the funds which the confederation will no longer stand in need of, be applied in the cultivation of your fruitful foil, which will pour into your hands those pure treasures, for which you will have only Providence to thank.
• It is, alas, next to impossible, for the most just and enlightened understandings, to keep entirely clear of the prejudices which furround them. It is from England that you are addressed; it is from England that you are advised to establisha a permanent credit, and to form a continental patrimony for the United States.'
The Book of Seven Chapters. Containing a New System of Na
tional Policy. With a Poffcript on Parliamentary Elocution, and an Utopian Scheme for the Confideration of the Rev. Mr. Wyvill. 8vo. 35. ferved.
35. fezced. Baldwin. SUCH is the multiplicity of subjects in this little volume, that
it would be tedious to enumerate the particulars. The author therefore has treated them with proportionable brevity, and in general, likewise, with force of argument. In regard to po litical principles he is no less commendable than for the apparent zeal which he discovers in favour of the national interests. He is every where an enemy to ministerial difingenuity, as
well as corruption, and though neither his opinions nor arguments have any title to novelty, they are, for the most part, not only well selected for the purpose of illustration, but are calculated for establishing just ideas respecting objects of importance to the public.
We shall lay before our readers this author's sentiments taxation, remarking only that the same principles, and even obfervations, have been frequently made by other writers.
• The proper objects of taxation in every state are avarice, pride, vanity, falhion, folly, caprice, pleasure, indulgence, fuperfluities, and superabundance. These, in a kingdom abounding with alluent individuals, afford an ample field for taxation; and, where extreme taxation is become unavoidable, until these sources are exhausted, the necessaries of life should remain untouched. The idea, that they are not productive, is false. I am very certain that under proper management they would prove more certainly efficient, and much less. liable to evasion, than taxes on necessaries. If this be doubted, let them be successively tried as superfluous taxes, and remain unappropriated until the product of each be determined : let them then, in succession, supercede the tax on leather, on candles, on soap, and many other old taxes, which were ima posed by ministers who in railing money lost fight of every sonfideration, except that of producing the sum required.'
• All taxes on raw materials, in a manufacturing country, are wonderfully absurd. Taxes on land or water carriage are no less preposterous. But one of the most oppressive taxes on manufacturing towns, is that which was designed for their rei lief, and from which government reaps no advantage.' I mean the enormous' assessment of two millions per annum for the maintenance of the poor; a tax on the industrious for the fupport of idleness; a mistaken, misapplied charity, which renders every manufacturer a spendthrift. Depending for subfifience on the relief which he has a right to demand from the parish, he is careless of futurity, and never dreams of accumulating the smallest sum for himself or family, in case of ficknefs, decrepitude, or want of employment. The legiflature hath so effectually provided for his necessities, that he thinks it uselefs to take any care of himself.
• To those who have bestowed but a cursory attention on this subject, it must appear very extraordinary, that in our most flourishing manufacturing towns, where the industrious poor are best paid, and most constantly employed, the rates for the support of indigence fhould be most oppressive. But the enigma is easily solved, when we consider, that the bene