thod of flight, or procuring affiftance, is taken away. Drunkennefs has often exercifed the pen of the moralift, and it is no imputation to an author's ingenuity to have fuggefted nothing new on the subject; but Mr. Paley places the ufual arguments, both from reafon and Scripture, in a very ftriking light. The arguments in defence of fuicide are delivered with a force, which even a ftrenuous affertor of its lawfulness would approve. This is an inftance of our author's candour; but we fear the anfwer will not appear fufficiently ftrong: we mean not that he betrays the caufe which he should defend; but that the arguments are not fuch as will affect the determined fuicide. In the cooler moments, the reason and the feelings oppofe it with violence; but in the hour of murder, reafon is afleep; infulted pride, difappointed ambition, or fullen defpair, are only awake. The man who would oppofe fuicide with fuccefs muft fpeak to thefe: he muft pique the pride, rouse the remaining spark of ambition, and add force to the resolution. This is a difeafe of the paffions; the reason and the judgment are already vanquished enemies.

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Of the duties towards God, the first is The prayer. ments from the light of nature, Mr. Paley owns, are only negative; and do not pofitively enforce the duty and efficacy of prayer. This part of his fubject he has examined with candour; the infidel and deift can go on with him cordially. In this way, though we have applauded his candour, we think too that he has acted with the moft confummate policy. To ftate the argument weakly, or to reply to it injudiciously, the most common method (we are forry to be obliged to remark it) of acting, either difgufts the opponent, or adds to his triumph. The caufe, in our author's hands, lofes nothing his arguments do not weaken the faith of the believer; and they conduct, with great addrefs, the opponent to other arguments derived from revelation. If thefe are denied, the force of evidence, from reafon alone, inclines the balance in favour of prayer; and the antagonist is left in a more proper ftate than that in which he probably commenced the enquiry. The next chapter, which contains the comparative advantages of public and private prayer, is very juft and valuable. Mr. Paley proceeds to forms of prayer. In this chapter he enumerates the advantages of a Liturgy with great propriety. He is probably not equally accurate in his defence of the amplification of our prefent forms. The compofer cannot expect that the devotion will be equally kept up in an extenfive fervice; and it is evident that, in an animated concife prayer, the attention will be more alive than in the more laboured repetitions of former ages. There are undoubtedly many ftrong objections

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to the prefent forms; and thefe can be only evaded by alledging, what is ftrialy true, that every other mode of public prayer is liable to more numerous and important ones.

The Ufe of Sabbatical Inftitutions is our author's next object; and he explains the inftitution, and its reafons, in a fcriptural and moral view. We cannot refift tranfcribing the following very intelligent and judicious anfwers to fome obvious queftions.

If it be afked, as it often has been, wherein confits the difference between walking out with your ftick or with your gun? between fpending the evening at home, or in a tavern?. between paffing the Sunday afternoon at a game of cards, or in converfation not more edifying, nor always fo inoffenfive ? To these, and to the fame question under a variety of forms, and in a multitude of fimilar examples, we return the following anfwer:-That the religious obfervation of Sunday, if it ought to be retained at all, must be upheld by fome public and visible diftinctions: that draw the line of distinction where you will, many actions which are fituated on the confines of the line, will differ very little, yet lie on oppofite fides of itthat every trefpafs upon that referve, which public decency has eftablished, breaks down the fence, by which the day is feparated to the fervice of religion-that it is unfafe to trifle with fcruples and habits that have a beneficial tendency, though founded in mere cuftom-that these liberties, however intended, will certainly be confidered by those who obferve them, not only as difrefpectful to the day and inftitution, but as proceed. ing from a fecret contempt of the Chriftian faith-that confequently they diminish a reverence for religion in others, so far as the authority of our opinion, or the efficacy of our example reaches; or rather, fo far as either will ferve for an excufe of negligence to thofe who are glad of any-that as to cards and dice, which put in their claim to be confidered amongst the harmless occupations of a vacant hour, it may be obferved, that few find any difficulty in refraining from play on Sunday, except they who fit down to it with the views and eagerness of gamefters that gaming is feldom innocent-that the anxiety and perturbations, however, which it excites, are inconfiftent with the tranquillity and frame of temper, in which the duties and thoughts of religion should always both find, and leave us

and lastly, we shall remark, that the example of other countries, where the fame or greater licence is allowed, affords no apology for irregularities in our own; becaufe a practice which is tolerated by public order and ufage, neither receives the fame conftruction, nor gives the fame offence, as where it is difcou raged and cenfured by both.'

The moral part of this work is concluded by a confideration of the reverence due to the Deity, and includes remarks on profane fwearing, and every impropriety of speech and man

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fer, which may be ftyled an offence in this view. The remark on Mr. Gibbon's conduct is the more juft, as it avoids the beaten path, and attacks him where he is most vulnerable, where the weapon must reach his heart. The language too is warm and indignant: our readers may be as much pleased with it as ourselves.

An eloquent hiftorian, befides his more direct, and therefore fairer attacks, upon the credibility of the evangelic ftory, has contrived to weave into his narration, one continued fneer upon the caufe of Chriftianity, and the writings and characters of its ancient patrons. The knowledge which this author poffeffes of the frame and conduct of the human mind, must have led him to obferve, that fuch attacks do their execution, without enquiry. Who can refute a fneer? who can compute the number, much lefs, one by one, fcrutinize the juftice, of those difparaging infinuations, which crowd the pages of this elaborate hiftory? What reader fufpends his curiofity, or calls off his attention, from the principal narrative, to examine references, to fearch into the foundation, or to weigh the reason, propriety, and force, of every tranfient farcafm, and fly allufion, by which the Chriftian teftimony is depreciated and traduced? and by which nevertheless, he may find his faith afterwards unfettled and perplexed."

The work, we have already obferved, contains the principles of ethics and polity: it is indeed styled the Elements of Moral and Political Philofophy. Mr. Paley next proceeds to the fecond part of his subject; and, if he is not equally fuc cessful in establishing his principles on unexceptionable foundations; if he does not raife a building, whofe exact proportions in the feveral parts, and whofe elegant fimplicity, as a whole, fix the attention, and excite admiration; yet, as a politician, he deferves confiderable praise.

His account of the origin of civil government will, by many, be thought exceptionable: it is, fays he, patriarchal or military.' This is undoubtedly the most obvious and fimple origin; it is rendered highly probable by the ftate in which we find nations in the infancy of their political existence; it .is fupported by the gradual evolution of the mental faculties and powers, in this artificial fituation; it is eftablished on the early and rapid institution of abfolute monarchies. We are well aware of the ridicule with which this opinion has been attacked by innovating politicians, who, from refiuing on what government fhould be, have arbitrarily fixed what it originally was. It is no imputation on the human mind, though we fhould fuppofe it originally unfhackled, and of equal capacity in every individual, that inexperienced youth fhould fubmit

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to the judgment of riper years; that the fon fhould obey him who gave him birth; or that the foldier should submit to the general, who had been entrusted with the execution of a plan. But we must return.

After having traced the origin of civil government, our author proceeds to the means by which it is maintained; and diftinguishes, with his ufual accuracy, the different motives which contribute to enfure obedience.

In a work lefs refpectable in its leading features, we might remark a little inaccuracy with regard to the Lama of Thibet. We apprehend that he is not confidered as the immortal God himself,' but only as his reprefentative. The immediate corollaries, from the means by which civil government is maintained, deferve the particular attention of princes: they are fuggefted by reafon and the experience of ages.

Mr. Paley next explains the Duty of Submiffion to Civil Government; a fubject, he obferves, fufficiently diftinguished from that of the laft chapter; as the motives which actually produce civil obedience may be, and often are, very different from the reasons which make that obedience a duty.' In this chapter, but it is too long for an extract, our author confiders the origin of government as supposed to be founded on a compact, either tacit or implied. He detects the fallacy, the fpecious delufive form of this fyftem, which is examined at greater length, as it feems to lead to conclufions unfavourable to the improvement and peace of human society.' On the whole, the only ground of the subjects obligation is the will of God, collected from its expediency.' The foundation of this origin has been already laid, and was noticed in our former article; and its scriptural ground is the subject of the following chapter.

Civil liberty has been fo often the topic of the politician, that it is not easy to form a consistent idea of it. In general, the definitions do not fo much defcribe liberty itself, as the fafe-guards and prefervatives of liberty; and they feem juftly to meet in the definition before us, viz. civil liberty is the not being reftrained by any law, but what conduces, in a greater degree, to the public welfare.' The inftances brought to illuftrate this definition clear it from all the difficulties which feem, at first fight, to attend it. Thefe confiderations lead the author to an account of the different forms of governments, with the advantages and difadvantages of each: it is but just to add, that we have never seen it equalled either for clearness or accuracy. The chapter on the British Constitution,' deferves the fame character: we regret that we mult leave it without a remark; for, if we were to engage in this

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fubject, we should confume all the space deftined for the rest of this article, and many valuable parts of this work must be left unnoticed.

The next chapter is on the administration of justice, and feveral modes by which improper partialities may be beft avoided. It does not detract from the diligence of the author, but it adds an additional luftre to the conduct of British jurifprudence, that all his precautions are fuggefted by the conftitution, or the practice of the feveral courts in this kingdom. The author then enquires into the cause of so many doubts in the application of natural juftice, whofe rules are fo few and evident. He concludes with mentioning two peculiarities in the judicial conftitution of this country, which do not appear equally unexceptionable with the other parts of it; one, the required unanimity of the jury, the other, the ultimate appeal to the houfe of peers. The foundation of each is, however, obvious; the firit to guard against every doubt of guilt, the second is derived from the civil jurisdiction of the barons in their own districts, from whence their collective judicial capacity may be eafily deduced.

On the fabject of crimes and punishments, Mr. Paley adverts to a circumftance which has lately attracted our attention. The fecond method mentioned of adminiftering penal juftice, affigns capital punishment to many offences, but executes it on few. This, he obferves, is founded on the confideration, that no offender may escape the punishment due to his crimes; but that allowance may, on the other hand, be made for those numerous alleviations of the offence, which no legislator could foresee or provide for ; yet he at last allows that

The certainty of punishment is of more confequence than the feverity. Criminals do not fo much flatter themselves with the lenity of the fentence, as with the hope of efcaping. They are not fo apt to compare what they gain by the crime, as what they may fuffer from the punishment, as to encourage themfelves with the chance of concealment or flight. For which reafon, a vigilant magiftracy, an accurate police, a proper dif tribution of force and intelligence, together with due rewards for the discovery and apprehenfion of malefactors, and an undeviating impartiality in carrying the laws into execution, contribute more to the reftraint and fuppreffion of crimes, than any violent exacerbations of punishment."

Indeed the whole chapter is an excellent commentary or our penal laws. It points out their imperfections with that penetrating fpirit whofe inquifitions no delufive covering can refift. Our author next proceeds to religious eftablishments; and The argument, then, by which ecclefiaftical establishments are defended, proceeds by thefe fteps. The knowledge and

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