nagement. Measures are now in progress to collect a suitable library, for which several works have been received from England. The Bishop of Calcutta, and the Archdeacon of Bombay, have each presented to it a splendid copy of Dr. White's Syriac New Testament; and the Resident in Travancore has presented eleven copies of the Syriac Gospels. The translation of the Scriptures into the Malayalim language was finished, but will require a very careful collation and revision.

Parts, however, were ready for publication. Mr. Bailey has also translated into Malayalim the Morning and Evening Services of the Church of England, with the Litany and Catechism, part of the Communion Service, and several of the Collects, Epistles, and Gospels. Every evening he has family worship in his house, and every Lord's-day, public service in the college chapel, in that language. The Syrians are much pleased with our form of worship; and the Malpan has pronounced that it much resembles their own. Mr. Norton also has translated the Liturgy into Malayalim. In the course of the last year, the Committee dispatched to Travancore a large number of Syriac New Testaments. A supply of Arabic, Persian, and Hindoostanee Testaments, has also been forwarded to Allepie, where the books are kept upon a table, and are accessible to all comers. The school under Mr. Norton, at Allepie, contained forty-four scholars; exclusive of twenty six orphan children. Great opposition has been exerted towards this school, by the Roman Catholic priests. Roman Catholic children, however, attend and increase; and the people seem to have watched Mr. Norton's proceedings long enough to be satisfied, that nothing but the benefit of their children is intended., The school has, therefore, risen in their favour, and is likely to be enlarged, and a new one to be annexed.

A variety of interesting notices are added respecting the chaplains' stations at Chittoor, Palamcottah, and Tel. licherry.

NAVAL AND MILITARY BIBLE SOCIETY.

The Report of this Society for last year has just appeared. The principal facts combined in it have been already anticipated; so that a few points only need be noticed. (See Christan Ob server, 1819, p. 409.)

CHRIST. OBSERV. No, 22!.

The Committee having, in consequence of the recommendation of their royal patron, the commander-in-chief, adopted the resolution of corresponding with the army exclusively through the medium of the commanding officers of regiments on all subjects connected with the ob ject of the institution, his royal highness issued his commands to all such officers to correspond with the Committee on such points as may appear necessary, with respect to the supply of Bibles and Testaments, and to take special care that whatever Bibles or

Testaments are transmitted for the use

of the men, are distributed in the most appropriate manner, and that the greatest attention is given to their preservation which may be consistent with the free circulation and use of them. His royal highness particularly desired that an ample supply should be allotted for the use of the patients in the regimental hospital, and for the use of the young soldiers, or children, who may be under instruction in the regimental school.

The effect produced by this instrument, in connexion with other measures adopted by the Committee, has been of a more general nature than its limited resources were prepared to meet.One regiment alone (the gallant 92d Highlanders) purchased at the reduced prices of the Society no fewer than four hundred and ninety-seven copies, previous to their departure for Jamaica.

In the naval department the demand has also been general, and two thousand six hundred Bibles and Testaments have been issued to fifty-three ships of war, of which the greater number are vessels that have been put in commission within the year.

The correspondence of the Society furnishes very interesting testimonies to the benefits resulting from its operations.

Auxiliary Societies had been formed at Dublin, Edinburgh, and Portsmouth. New depôts for books have been established at Chichester, Gibraltar, and St. Helena; and respectable correspondents obtained at each of these stations.

Since this Report was published, the anniversary for 1820 has been held, and a subsequent Report presented, from which it appears, that the issues of Bibles and Testaments, during the last year, have been rather more than six thousand copies. The total amount of subscriptions was 21621. A munificent donation of 5001. had been received from Mr. Hodson.

2 Z

FRANCE.

THE restrictions on the French press, with the subdivisions of party, render it difficult either to ascertain facts, or to apply them, when ascertained, to the general state of the country. The endless debates on the law of election still continue. The preparatory exa minations, in the case of Louvel, have been going on in the desultory manner which characterizes French criminal jurisprudence, and upwards of four hundred and fifty witnesses are stated to have been examined; but the regular trial has not yet taken place. Two attempts have been made to alarm the duchess de Berry by an explosion of gunpowder, with a view to frustrate the hopes entertained of her giving an heir to the French throne. It is most awful to contemplate the atrocious plans which seem to be the ordinary devices of the infidel opposers of all governments, in the present day. The same rejection of every sanction, human and divine, and the same profligate exultation in their crimescrimes at which our unsophisticated nature, fallen as it is, instinctively shudders-characterize the Louvels of France, the Sandts of Germany, and the Thistlewoods of England. Such are some of the fruits of that bitter harvest, the seeds of which, infidelity and jacobinism, hand-in-hand, have been diligently sowing for the last thirty or forty years, and which require all the piety, wisdom, and vigilance, of individuals and governments to eradicate.

SPAIN.

Spain continues to be occupied in organizing the elements of her new constitution; and the king is obliged to affect an excessive and, under the circumstances of the case, an almost ludicrous zeal in giving extension and stability to the recent changes. All the duties on books and prints, connected with the prohibitory regulations of the inquisition, have been abolished. The king has also issued a decree ordering all symbols of ancient vassalage to be erased throughout the country," in order that the noble pride of the Spanish people, who acknowledge and will never recognize any other sovereignty than that of the nation, may not be wound.

ed by the sight of continual mementos of their humiliation."-The battalions concerned in the massacre at Cadiz have been disbanded, and the proceedings against their colonels, with generals Campana and Valdes, are going on.-It appears by a message from the President of the United States to Congress, that, through the mediation of Russia, the Spanish government had been induced to send a minister to America, with full powers to settle its differences with that country, respecting the Floridas. In consequence of this circumstance, and of the disturbed state of Spain; and in deference also to an intimation, from France and Russia, of their anxiety that nothing should be allowed to take place of a hostile character between the American and Spanish governments, the President has deferred the question of reprisals on the Spanish territory to the next session.

DOMESTIC.

The notoriety of the facts connected with the Cato street conspiracy renders it superfluous to state them as articles of temporary intelligence; but as matters of painful history it is requisite to record, that the trials, which were proceeding when our last Number went to press, issued in the conviction of Thistlewood, Ings, Brunt, Davidson, and Tidd; and that the remaining six, perceiving no probability of acquittal, pleaded guilty to the charge. Seldom has a conspiracy more horrid been brought to light, and never has the evidence of any fact been more convincing and irresistible. It is impossible for us to give even a sketch of the case; nor is it necessary, as the principal facts are known in every hamlet of the kingdom. The deliberate intention to assassinate all his majesty's ministers at a cabinet dinner, with any other persons who might be present, or might oppose the designs of the conspirators, was not only fully prored, but avowed and justified with unrelenting exultation. In the terror and confusion of the moment, a provisional government was to have been formed; the conspirators trusting to the existing distresses of the country, and the disaffection of those who have been poisoned by infidel and re

volutionary principles, for immediate support, and for ultimate success. Wild and delirious as such a scheme may appear, when viewed only as an unaccomplished project, it would be too much to say that it could not by any possibility have succeeded. History records revolutions effected by equally despicable and unlikely means, and by fewer and less determined agents; and there are many circumstances in the state of the times, calculated to make a prudent man tremble at any occurrence which might violently agitate the passions of the multitude, and, while it presented a point for collecting, would also enkindle, the elements of revolution. But though the ultimate triumph of regular authority might have been certain, yet, in the interim, how great might have been the confusion, and how heavy the loss of human life, or when the scene of terror would have ended, who shall venture to predict?

Five of the six persons who pleaded guilty have been transported for life, and were immediately removed out of the kingdom; the other, the degree of whose guilt seemed greatly inferior, has been kept in prison, and it is supposed will be pardoned. Their companions, with the exception of Davidson, the Man of Colour, who behaved penitently, died as they had lived, in obdurate infidelity, defying both God and man with their latest accents, and some of them uttering the most horrid blasphemies. Thistlewood, who assumed a decorum widely opposed to the levity and flippancy of Ings, remarked to Tidd upon the scaffold, "We shall soon know the grand secret!" Alas! under what circumstances to make so fearful an experiment! We tremble to follow these unhappy men in imagination to that world where the awful disclosure has taken place, and where, before a far higher than a human tribunal, they are gone" to give an account of the deeds done in the body." May we, and may our readers, learn this "grand secret" under happier auspices than those of a dying hour! May we early acquaint ourselves with God, and be at peace;" and being justified by faith in a crucified Redeemer, and living to his praise and glory through life, find at length, that in our case, eternity has no disclosures to make, but of joys which "eye hath not seen, nor ear heard, and which it hath not entered into the heart of man to conceive!”

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We cannot, however, quit the subject of the Cato-street conspiracy without stating, that there is one feature of the case which has excited much animadversion; namely, the part alleged by the traitors, and some of the witnesses, to have been taken in their proceedings by one Edwards, who is said to have been a spy in the service of government, but in that character to have been in fact an active instigator of the plots which he was authorized to watch over and discover. As the subject may come before a judicial tribunal, (for a true bill against Edwards for high treason has been found by the grand jury of Middlesex), we shall not dwell upon t it at present. Our own view on the subject of employing spies has been frequently mentioned; and thouglu even the opposition party have generally admitted that their employment is necessary in certain cases, and that while there are such men as Thistlewood government must have such agents as Edwards-we are by no means convinced that in moral ques tions exceptions of this kind ought to be allowed, or that any thing is ultimately gained (certainly not the favour and approbation of God) by so making expedienc your rule of conduct, as to do evil that good may come." It is clearly the duty of government to receive intelligence, from whatever quarter it may come; and to inform themselves of the proceedings of alleged conspirators, as far as this can be done, without giving any sanction to crime, or without exciting men to the commission of it. Supplies of money, or any other measure that might add apparent weight to their machinations, or tend to ripen their plot, would, in our view, be highly culpable. Nor does it even seem justifiable to tamper with a smaller offence, with a view to let it mature into something decisive, against which to strike an effectual blow. There is, however, no public evidence at present, except the assertions of apparently interested parties, that Edwards did really thus goad on his associates; and no one pretends to think that government either knew of, or permitted, his doing so. With respect to his being brought forward as a witness on the trials, supposing him to have been a spy, as there was evidence in abundance, without his aid, to convict the accused, there certainly were substantial reasons against

it.

It could have done no good, and

might have done harm. We may readily conjecture the use that would have been made of the circumstance, had a spy been produced as a principal witness in a state prosecution.For our own parts we are yet to learn that Edwards, if he really professed himself a spy, rendered any service to government in that capacity. Lord Harrowby, in the course of his examination, stated, that the first information which was received of the specific plans and purposes of the conspirators came from a different individual; nor was even this accidental, let us rather say providential, information obtained until the day preceding that of the intended assassination. If this was really the case, then it would follow, that to the superintending care and interference of Providence, and not to the dubious expedient of employing spies, were we indebted for the timely discovery of this plot.

But whatever may turn out to be the fact, we would earnestly caution our readers against lending themselves to popular outcry in questions of this kind. The wide and rapid diffusion of intelligence in this country, by means of the press, has produced a regular system of prepossessing the public mind by statements framed for party purposes, and which it may require many months to correct by authoritative decisions. In the mean time, the temporary purpose is answered; government and its agents are vilified, and the popular mind is soured and prejudiced to a degree which no subsequent explanations can fully obviate. We need no stronger illustration of these remarks than the recent conviction of Hunt and his associates for their share in the unhappy Manchester meeting. Hunt is condemned to imprisonment for thirty months in Ilchester gaol, and Johnson, Bamford, and Nealy for twelve months in Lincoln castle, for their conduct on that occasion. Thus does the law, and thus do our judges and juries reply to the attempts to justify that seditious convention, which, for eight months, have been poured forth in such profusion. But, unhappily, the leisurely march of retributive justice cannot overtake the rapid footsteps of daily and hourly calumny, or restore the equanimity of the public when once disturbed.

The proceedings in parliament have been peculiarly important. In compliment to the new reign, the address

in reply to the king's speech was suffered to pass without a division. Its principal topics were the intention of the king to tread in the steps of his father; his regret that the recent additions to our military force cannot be dispensed with; the civil list, and the king's wish that it should not exceed the scale fixed in 1816; and the necessity of wisdom, firmness, and loyalty, in supporting the constitution against turbulence and intimidation.

The arrangement for the civil list on the model of 1816, and as it is likely to be voted, is 850,000l. for England, and 207,000l. for Ireland. It has been strongly opposed by the antiministerial party, on the ground chiefly, that the estimate of 1816 was intended to be only temporary, and was passed without that minute inquiry which the importance of the subject demanded, on an implied understanding that inquiry would come with more propriety at the beginning of a new reign. A motion of Mr.Brougham, for bringing the Droits of the Admiralty, and some other special funds, within the control of parliament, so as to render them available to the purposes of the civil list, has been negatived.

On the motion of Sir James Mackintosh, the committee on the criminal laws has been renewed: and he has had leave given him to bring in six bills for the repeal or improvement of particular laws already reported on.

Various petitions have been received from the manufacturing, the agricultural, and the mercantile bodies throughout the kingdom. All complain of distress, and earnestly solicit the consideration and aid of parliament. The agriculturalists ask for a higher protecting duty on corn; a measure which, at the present moment especially, no reasonable man who is not interested in the question can think adviseable. The manufacturers propose no specific plans; except, indeed, partial modifications, such as the repeal of the recently imposed duty on foreign wool, which is said not to have answered its intention as a financial measure, while it has pressed somewhat heavily on those whom it affects, and this probably without much benefiting the native grower. The petitions of the merchants of London, Liverpool, Edinburgh, Glasgow, and other principal towns, are founded on larger views; and may be concisely expressed in the well-known remark

of the merchants of France to Colbert, who wished to know "how he could assist them." "Laissez-nous faire" was their reply. They urge the impolicy of our present restrictive and prohibitory system,and point out the benefits likely to arise from a more liberal encouragement both to importation and exportation. Of the abstract justice of these views, government confesses itself fully convinced; but alleges the obstacles which our past proceedings have thrown in the way of a recurrence to a more healthy system than that which at present prevails. It is satisfactory, however, to perceive that such a conviction is becoming more general, as it will probably prevent the future aggravation of the evil by new restrictions. Many of the old ones also, we trust, will be from time to time removed; for it is certain that some of our present regulations afford comparatively little benefit to the parties intended to be "protected," and none whatever to the public, while they prevent an interchange of other productions which might stimulate the general activity and afford a large national advantage, and while they also excite feelings of rivalry and ill will tending to produce counter-restrictions of the most injurious nature.

We must here, however, again state our firm conviction, that measures of a far more comprehensive nature than a mere change in our commercial policy are called for at the present crisis. But if we were to enter farther on this subject, we should only repeat what we have already said at the close of our last Number, as well as on many former occasions. We therefore for

bear.

Though we have protracted our remarks beyond the usual length, we cannot pass over a circumstance which has undergone discussion in the house of lords, and which is of alarming importance, not only to the clergy, but to every person connected with ecclesiastical property, or who values either the welfare of the Church of England or the liberty of the subject. A petition was presented by the Rev. J. P. Jones, curate of North Bovey, Devonshire, stating, that he had been presented to two livings, value 500l. per annum; the one in the diocese of Peterborough, the other in the diocese of Lincoln: that he had procured a regular testimonial, signed by three clergymen in the diocese in which he officiated; which testimonial it was

necessary should be countersigned by his diocesan, the bishop of Exeter. The bishop, however, refused to put his name to the paper; in consequence of which the preferment was lost to the petitioner, he being under the necessity of relinquishing it in favour of another clergyman, whom it became necessary to present in order to prevent the lapse of the livings. The petitioner had conceived that the ground of the bishop's refusal was his having attended a public meeting in favour of Catholic Emancipation. His lordship, however, appears to have subsequently intimated that the refusal was not in consequence of his having attended the meeting, but in consequence of a remark stated to have been there made by Mr. Jones, that nine-tenths of the clergy were averse to the damnatory clauses in the Athanasian Creed, and would rejoice if they were expunged. Whether this be true or false, we know not; but two points of the case are of extreme importance: the first is, that his lordship has rested his justification on his discretionary right to withhold his signature without assigning a reason; the second, that relying, it seems, on some private and ex-parte communication, he refused to allow Mr. Jones to explain his words, although he stated them to have been misrepresented to his lordship, or to produce countertestimony. Of Mr. Jones, his character, or his doctrines, we know nothing; but we are appalled to find, that all the ecclesiastical patronage in the kingdom rests on the will-nay, on the caprice, the prejudice, the pique, the political bias, or partial information-of an individual. The lord chancellor himself, who advocated the bishop of Exeter's conduct, has no security that the next clergyman whom he presents to a benefice may not be rejected for want of a bishop's counter-signature. The counter-signature has hitherto been considered an official act, which a prelate could not refuse, without subjecting himself to a civil process. It appears, however, that as the law now stands he may refuse; and that therefore, when the living to which a clergyman happens to be designated is in a different diocese from that in which he resides, neither he nor the patron has any remedy; and the house of lords having refused inquiry into the subject, it is impossible to predict to what extent this new system of stat