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soldier, with only his side-arms, can beat from twenty to thirty French dragoons. I make no doubt all this is true, as I had it on good authority. I would not have sent you this account, Mr. Editor, but for a tall thin pale-faced old gentleman (the same that has procured me a passage home), who has helped me to tell you all about it, and written it down on a clean sheet of paper to put into the post-office.

I am, Sir, your most humble servant,

A POOR FLORENTINE BOY.

The" tall thin pale-faced old gentleman" cannot forward the case of his little friend to the Editor of the Christian Observer, without requesting the attention of the reader to that bigotted and uncharitable nationality which he

fears is among our greatest blemishes. John Bull is doubtless an honest man, and a good Christian; but he is too apt to think that all the virtue, talent, learning, and benevolence in the world are centered in his own little island. His language in speaking of foreigners, is often insulting to the parties, and unworthy of himself. The statement of the little Florentine, though exaggerated, is not wholly unfounded in truth. It might therefore be of great service to the cause of international charity, and universal peace, if some of your correspondents would take up the subject on higher grounds; would point out the evils which grow out of our proverbially national contempt for foreigners, and urge upon your readers a more sober estimate and a more charitable spirit.

REVIEW OF NEW PUBLICATIONS.

Dean KENNEY's Principles and Practices of pretended Reform

ers.

(Concluded from p. 626.) THE leading object of this work, as stated in our last Number, is to establish the close and almost inseparable connexion between the doctrines of Calvinism, and hostility to our establishments both in church and state. The first chapter professes to exhibit the principles and practices of pretended reformers previous to the great rebellion. This has been already considered. We proceed now to the remaining divisions of the work. II. The second chapter, " on the principles maintained, and practices enjoined from the pulpit, by leading reforming preachers during the rebellion," presents us with many passages selected from the sermons and publications of that day, which must fill every honest and generous mind with disgust

was

and indignation. These passages are for the most part well known; and it is unnecessary to offend the taste and feelings of our readers with a repetition of them. Never was an amiable and virtuous sovereign pursued with more bitter and unsparing malignity: never there a time in which, by professed Christians, both reason and Scripture were more scandalously outraged. The base passions of our nature appear to have been let loose without controul; and what was most venerable and sacred in the land to have been vilified and trampled under foot, without one feeling of remorse. Fanaticism lent itself to ambition, and ambition nourished fanaticism, till, by the pestiferous, alliance, the nation at large was cheated out of its privileges both civil and religious, and doomed to witness at least, if not to sanction, the murder of its king.

But while we concur with the Dean of Achenry, in reprobating

the language of fanaticism, and the atrocious excesses which such language was calculated to promote, we feel it necessary to observe, that the representations given in this volume, as well of the general character of the men called Puritans, as of the general history of those distracted times, are by no means remarkable for discrimination: they are far too partial, and too loose to warrant the inference derived from them. So far as they are intended to connect Calvinism with rebellion, (and this we presume to be the main object), the effect of them will be, in some important particulars, to mislead rather than to in

struct us.

That Calvinists could not universally approve the language of such men as Cromwell's mad chaplain, or the mellifluous Mr. Marshall, must be evident, we think, from the affecting anecdote concerning Archbishop Usher, and the facts stated in pp. 612, 613, of our former Number. Should it be deemed expedient to confirm the general statements of those pages by additional names of individuals in the church, who, with strong Calvinistic prepossessions, befriended their sovereign in his hour of need, or suffered in his adverse fortunes, we should be at no loss to produce them. Bishop Hall* has himself told the tale of his

own injurious treatment. Bishop

*For the doctrinal sentiments of this great prelate, see "Some Specialities of his Life, &c." where he speaks of his project of pacification in the case of Mr. Montague. Bishop Overall, to whom he refers in this passage, and whom Dean Kenney mentions with due respect, was of sentiments not very different from those asserted in the Lambeth Articles. See Fuller's Church Hist. lib. x. p. 13; the speech of (Overall) the Dean of St. Paul's; also Strype's Whitgift, lib. iv. c. xix. anno 1595; or Barlow's Hampton Court Conference. His belief in the doctrine of Universal Redemption, is no argu ment to the contrary: it is held by many Calvinists.

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Davenant* died in 1841 of a consumption, to which a sense of the melancholy event approaching did not a little contributet." That friend of Usher, and "enemy to Arminianism," Dr. Ward 1. the breaking out of the rebellion, added to his other offences against the usurping powers, that unpardonable one of joining with the other heads of houses in sending the college plate to the king§: and the imprisonment which he af terwards suffered is said to have hastened his death. To these we shall add the respected name of Thomas Fuller, Author of the Church History of Britain. Calvinism had neither disordered his intellects nor hardened his heart; and he stands conspicuous among many worthies of that day, for his attendance as chaplain upon the royal army, and for the zeal with which he animated a garrison of the king, holding an important post, to a vigorous and successful exertion in the royal cause.

So far as the charge against Calvinists holds at all, it must be confined to Calvinistic Dissenters; to those who attached themselves to a different discipline from that of the Church of England: and their hostility is to be explained not from their dislike to the doctrines, but to the government, of the

Davenant, see Fuller's Church Hist. For the Calvinistic principles of lib. xi. p. 138.

+ Chalmers's Biog. Dict.

Master of Sidney-Sussex College, Cambridge, in which Oliver Cromwell was educated.

Chalmers's Biog. Dict. It is not unworthy of remark, that Hall, Dave. nant, and Ward were among the persons selected by King James to attend the Synod of Dort.

The doctrinal sentiments of this eminent man, are expressed in a brief compass in his Church Hist. lib. ix. p. 232. He cordially approved of the Lambeth Articles, and considers them as witnesses of" the general and received doctrine of England in that age. about the forenamed controversies."

church. Dean Kenney, under the shelter of Lord Clarendon's name, professes to consider the govern ment of the church (p. 143) as a part of its doctrines; because the doctrine of the Church of England is expressed in her Articles, one of which is to preserve the government of the church by bishops. In a certain sense this must be admitted but in discussing the his tory of the Puritans, we are compelled to notice the distinction, and to separate the Articles commonly called doctrinal from those which relate to discipline and government. To confound them all under the general phrase "doctrine of the church," is to evade the real question at issue. We have seen already that Hutton, Archbishop of York, mentions the Puritans of his time as agreeing with us in substance of religion, though they differed in ceremonies and aocidents: and those of King Charles's days so far resembled them, as generally to approve of such Articles as are strictly doctrinal. The Presbyterians were for a time the prevailing sect and they are usually described as the bitter enemies of the throne, and the authors and instigators of the civil war. This,

The sense which they affixed to the Articles was Calvinistic, according to the notions which had usually prevailed till Charles's days, both in and out of

the Establishment: but the Articles

themselves they did not disavow. Mr. Baxter furnishes us with many proofs of the fact as it respects the Presbyte. rians: see Life, pp. 213, 214, 218, 233, part II.; pp. 24, 161, part III. &c.; in which passages it is in effect repeatedly affirmed, that the doctrine of these Articles is agreeable to the word of God, and that they are such as the generality of Presbyterians would subscribe. The same remark applies to the great body of sectarians. The Arminian Pu ritans appear hardly to have been noticed before the rebellion and in respect to the doctrines under debate between them and the Calvinists, it is probable that they also would have as. sented to the Articles.

however, was by no means universally the case. Some of that party were unquestionably men of violence; some were determinately hostile to Episcopacy, under every form; and some, as it appears from Lord Clarendon, were of republican sentiments. But there were many advocates of the Presbyterian system, who had little in common with fanatics and regicides; many, it should seem, who through the whole of those times preserved an affectionate regard for their unhappy sovereign, and who, after the perpetration of his murder, continued their affection to his exiled son. Few among the Non-conformists of that day were more eminent than Baxter, and his name is usually associated with those of factious and turbulent men.” Yet, with respect to church goverument, he was a friend to Usher's system of reduced Episcopacy: and although for a time he attended upon the Parliament army, and was on principle desirous of limitations to regal power, he manifested, as occasion served, his attachment to the throne. In one instance he availed himself of the opportunity to address Cromwell personally upon the subject:-“I told him that we took our ancient monarchy to be a blessing, and not an evil to the land, and humbly craved his patience that I might ask him how England had ever forfeited that blessing, and unto whom the forfeiture was made? (I was fain to speak of the species of government only, for they had lately made it treason by a law to speak for the person of the king). Upon this he was awakened into some passion, and told me that it was no forfeiture, but God had changed i, &c.*" In his sermon before the Parliament, April 30, 1660,"Speaking," says he," of our differences, and the way to heal them, I told them, that whether we should be loyal to our king was none of our differ

*Baxter's Life, Part II. p. 205.

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ences: in that we are all agreed; it being not possible that a man should be true to the Protestant

principles, and not be loyal; and it was impossible to be true to the Papists' principles and to be loyal: and for the concord now wished in matters of church government, I told them it was easy for moderate men to come to a fair agreement, and that the late reverend primate of Ireland and myself had agreed in half an hour*." It is well known that on the restoration of Charles II. he was appointed one of the royal chaplains; and, as it is stated, by the king's own desire t.

The same writer bears testimoby to the conduct of his associates. "What the Presbyterians did," says he, "to preserve and restore the king, is a thing that we need not go to any corners or cabinets to prove. The votes for agree. ment upon the king's concessions in the Isle of Wight prove it: the ejection and imprisonment of most of the house of commons, and all the house of lords, prove it: the calamitous overthrow of two Scottish armies prove it, &c. &c.: and finally, the lords and gentlemen of the king's old party in all countries addressing themselves to the Parliamentarians, and the king's grateful acknowledgments in his letters and his speeches in parliament, do all put this matter out of question t." And again: "The sectarian party cried out that God had in justice cut off the family that reigned over us; and to return to it again was to betray the church and the souls of men. Some others said, that the sectaries had traitorously and wickedly pulled down the king and parliament," &c.: "But the Presbyterians said, We are bound by the covenant to the king that last was; and by the oath of allegiance, to him and his heirs; aud all changes since had

* Baxter's Life, Part II. p. 217. ↑ Ibid. p. 220. Ibid. p. 218,

been made unlawfully by rebellious sectaries; and for our parts, whatever others have done, we have taken no engagements or contrary oaths:......Therefore, being obliged to the king as the undoubted heir of the crown, we ought to do our duty as loyal subjects to restore him, and for the issue let God do what he will *."

That these principles and feelings were universal among the Presbyterians, we by no means affirm: but so long as it stands upon record, that during the rebellion, and the triumph of Cromwell, they generally preached and prayed against disloyalty; that they drew up a writing, declaring their abhorrence of all violence against the person of the king, and urging Cromwell and his army to take heed of such an action-which writing, subscribedby nearly sixty Presbyterian ministers of London, with many others from the country, they presented to the Usurper when the king was in dangert: so long as it appears that many of the persons seized in London before the battle of Woreester, for holding correspondence with their sovereign, were Presbyterian ministers; that on the very day previous to that on which the parliament voted unanimously for the return of Charles II. Dr. Gauden, Mr. Calamy, and Mr. Baxter were appointed to conduct the religious services; that among the divines sent by the parliament and the city to attend his majesty were some of the most eminent of the Presbyterians; and that these men, on their public audience, declared themselves to be "no enemies to moderate Episcopacy‡:"- —so long as facts of this sort are recorded, it is plain that even Presbyterian principles do not necessarily convert their advocates into regicides; and that a man may be not only a Calvinist, but a Calvinist and a Disciplinarian too, and yet retain,

Baxter's Life, p. 216.

+ See Non-Conformist's Memorial, Clarendon, Lib. XVI.

with his love of liberty, respect and attachment to the throne.

The remark may be extended to the Presbyterians of Scotland. Undoubtedly there is much of their conduct, as well as of the proceed ings of their brethren in England, which every enlightened friend of rational liberty, and every generous mind, must reprobate and condemn. But if they are indeed to be stigmatized through all coming ages for the harsh treatment with which they repaid the unsuspecting confidence of their sovereign, when he fled to their camp at Newark, and, in addition to all their other offences, to bear the reproach "of selling their king, and betraying their prince for money," let it also be remembered, that when the intention of bringing him to trial became known, "the Scots exclaimed, and protested against the violence*:" and afterwards, although "invited by the English Parliament to model their government into a republican form, they resolved still to adhere to monarchy, which had ever prevailed in their country, and which, by the express terms of their Covenant, they had engaged to defend." "The execution, therefore, of the king, against which they had always protested, having occasioned a vacancy of the throne, they immediately proclaimed his son and successor, Charles the Second t," &c.

These facts we take to be undisputed; and so little was the conduct of the Presbyterians in England approved by Hugh Peters, that he charged them in the pulpit, according to the cant of the day, with the intention of crucifying Christ, and releasing Barabbas. "It would, however," says the Dean, "be a contradiction to the evidence of authentic history to at tribute their wish for the preservation of the king's life at the period when Mr. Peters uttered his pious reproaches against them, to any just feeling of loyalty." (p. 203.) Hume; year 1649.

* Hume.

And to the same purport he tells us (p. 266), that " though the numerous faction of Presbyterian saints, which had begun the rebellion, were now extremely hostile to the execrable measure of putting their sovereign to death," yet they deserve no credit for their moderation: " they seem to have been brought, in a great degree, to reason, by their terror of the violent faction of Independent saints,” (p. 266): and he refers to a note D, comprizing Nelson's statement on the subject, as incontrovertible. Some of our readers may probably smile, when they find that the notes intended to be subjoined to this work are, by reason of its length, wholly omitted. But it is not difficult to discover, that, in the opinion of the Dean, the Presbyterians, having at first begun the rebellion, were driven into something like loyalty by their hatred and horror of the Independents. These motives may easily be supposed to have very greatly invigorated the spirit of loyalty where it was languid, and perhaps in not a few cases to have created it. Lord Clarendon supposes that many of the Scottish preachers, in presuming to pray for the king, and generally, though secretly, exasperating the minds of the people against the then overbearing domination of Cromwell, were influenced more by the affront that was offered to Presbytery, than the conscience of what was due to majesty': and Mr. Hume intimates something of the same kind. The thing is so probable in itself, that we have little scruple in ascribing to the impression produced by the violence of fanatical sectarians, as Baxter has done before us, that universal spirit of combination which at length united in one cause both the old friends of the king and the party of the Parliament. But we cannot so readily admit, what the Dean seems to intimate, that this was the main or the chief reason

• Book XIV. + Life, part II. p. 207.

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