1794-5.

BOOK IV. flammatory writings, and was followed by his agents, after the American government had inCHAP. IV. sisted upon his recal. Soon after, General Washington, the president of the United States, detailed the particulars of an insurrection that had taken place; which not only shews the character of the government at the time, but throws much light upon some future transactions. This gentleman stated, in his speech to congress, that a few years before, it had been found necessary to make use of the power granted by the constitution to lay and collect excises." No sort of ohjection was made in the states, but in the four western counties of Pennsylvania some symptoms of riot and violence appeared.

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Congress immediately paid attention to the complaints made, and wished to relieve them; but then mildness was looked on as fear, and associations were formed against the officers employed; further delay was thought impolitic, and legal process was delivered to the marshal against the rioters. The marshal was fired upon, arrested, and kept a prisoner; the house of the inspector was attacked, his papers seized, and his house set on fire and burned. Both these officers fled to the seat of government, it being acknowledged that they wanted to compel the resignation of the inspector, and extort a repeal of the laws of excise, and a change in the conduct of government. On being informed by a justice of the supreme court that the laws were opposed very powerfully, he considered what should be done: he hesitated to call out the militia, but required them to be held in readiness. Commissioners were sent to the disaffected, to represent, that if they did not submit, coercion must be resorted to; that, however, not seeming to subscribe to the mild form of atonement, he was compelled to order the militia to march, 15,000 of whom he put in motion, thinking that a sufficient force to answer every purpose; and as every appearance showed a favorable issue, he returned to the seat of government, to his duties; recommending, that an indemnification be granted to those officers of the United States who had suffered; that the amount would be great, and the example would be striking.

This insurrection was quelled on the first appearance of the troops, but the spirit of it remained unbroken, and the partisans of France endeavoured all they could to overthrow the government. The president did not announce the result of the treaty of amity, &c. till a year after it was signed, and the French government, in the mean time, used every means of annoying the American commerce. The violent party declaimed on the bad consequences that might result from the treaty, and a resolution passed the house, to demand a copy of the instructions given to Mr. Jay, who negociated the treaty; to this General Washington replied, "that he had considered their resolution, de

manding the instructions to the minister, with other documents relative to the treaty with Great Britain; that the nature of foreign negociations required caution and secrecy, and even when concluded a full disclosure might have a bad effect; and to admit a right to demand such papers, would establish a dangerous precedent; but that he had no disposition to withhold any information which the public good required; but that, every circumstance considered, he could not comply with their request.”

It should be observed, that the spirit of party is carried to a violent excess in America. Mr. Jefferson, another celebrated character of the day, was suspected of revolutionary views: he was ac cused of an intention to overturn the constitution of the United States, of being an enemy of the country, and of a wish to become a tribune of the people. He was, indeed, the declared enemy of every new system, the introduction of which might be attempted; being of opinion, that the existing constitution should be carefully preserved, and defended against all infringements arising from tlie stretch of executive power. Mr. Jefferson, (who had been in congress some years before,) notwithstanding his opposition to the political principles of General Washington, spoke with great respect of his virtues, and with high esteem of his sound and unerring judgment.

The resignation of General Washington, after being twice president of the republic, displayed consummate loyalty and virtue. This event was accounted for in the most handsome manner, in his declaration to his fellow-citizens. The period, he said, having arrived for the election of a citizen to administer the executive government of the United States, and as their minds must be occupied with that, he thought it time to inform them of his declining to be again chosen, assuring them, that he was influenced by no diminution of zeal in their service or interest, but his wish to enjoy retirement, from which he had been reluctantly withdrawn, and that he meant to have so stated to them when he was last elected, but was overruled by advice of those entitled to his confidence, and he hoped they would not disapprove of his determination to retire; he expressed his grati tude to his country for the many honors it had conferred on him, and the confidence with which it supported him, which he had endeavoured to repay by services faithful and persevering: if the country had derived benefits from these services, the praise was due to them, whose support was the prop of the plans by which they were effected: he impressed on their minds the great regard they should ever possess for their national union; that they should cherish it as the palladium of their safety and prosperity, indignantly frowning upon any attempt to weaken the ties which link its parts together.

Citizens of a common country," he added,

"that country has a right to their affections: they have fought and triumphed together in common, and the liberty they possess is the work of joint councils and joint efforts." He endeavoured to guard them against the fatal influence of parties, assuring them," that they could not shield themselves too much against the jealousies which arise from one district misrepresenting the opinions of another, by which they would become alien to each other who ought to be bound by fraternal affection; to their permanent unjon, a government for all was indispensable; this government, their own choice, had a claim to their support; respect for its authority and compliance with its laws were duties enjoined by the maxims of true libertyall obstructions to the execution of the laws, and all associations to direct or awe the action of the constituted authorities, served but to organize faction and give it force, and were likely, in course of time, to enable unprincipled men to usurp the reins of government." He exhorted them, in order to preserve their happy state, "to discountenance opposition to its authority, and to resist all innovation, however fair the pretext," and urged them strongly against the baneful effects of party in general. "This," he continued," is inherent in the nature of man, and is more or less in all governments: parties, it is said, are in free countries useful checks on the government; this may be true, but in elective governments it ought not to be, encouraged, and it ought to be mitigated and assuaged, lest in place of warming it should consume." He addressed them at length on the subject of their governments, and cautioned them against a change by usurpation, which generally destroys free go

vernments.

This declaration contained also the following observations:-" Religion and morality are supports of political prosperity; they are the firmest props of men and citizens; every one ought to respect and cherish them. Cherish public credit, but use it as sparingly as can be; avoid expence by cultivating peace, recollecting that preparing for danger often prevents greater disbursements to repel it; avoid leaving burdens on posterity, which you ought yourselves to bear." He advised them with regard to foreign nations, in extending their commercial relations, to have as little political connexion as possible, but to fulfil all their engagements with good faith. "Europe," he remarked," has a set of interests, which to them have little or no relation; their distant situation enables them to follow a different course; continuing one people, the time is not distant when they may defy external annoyance, and cause their neutrality to be respected. Honesty, he allowed, in all cases, to be the best policy; he wished all their engagements to be strictly observed, but not to be extended; and he told them,

1796.

that by keeping themselves in a defensive posture, BOOK IV. they might trust to temporary alliance for extraordinary emergencies: he hoped the advice of an old CHAP. IV. friend would make an impression upon them; and he flattered himself it might be productive of some benefit; that it might check the fury of party-spirit, guard them against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, and the imposition of pretended patriotism: this would be to him a recompence: how far he himself had been guided by what he had advanced, the public records, and other evidences of his conduct, must witness to the world; he was, however, assured, that he was guided by them; he was confident he had committed many errors, but he trusted his country would view them with indulgence, after five and forty years dedicated to its service with zeal. He concluded by anticipating the pleasure he would feel in his retreat, by sharing, in the midst of his fellowcitizens, the influence of good laws and a free government, the favorite object of his heart, and the reward of their mutual cares, labors, and dangers.

Though the dignified conduct of the president encouraged the friends of government, it by no means weakened the opposition; congress and the house of representatives refused to ratify the treaty, or to carry it into effect. The country was reduced to a state of alarm: trade was at a stand, and it was thought the opposition would not rest till they had plunged their country into a war with England; all persons of property dreaded the consequences, and they would not ensure the ships that were wanted to be sent to These troubles were fomented by numbers of strangers, who, from French principles, and being dissatisfied with their own countries, sought refuge in America, where they found as much fault as they did at home, and wished to create the land anew, because they had no new one to go to. These were under the French emissaries, and they strove to make a rupture with England. The mercantile interest prevailed, and the partisans of peace got the ratification consummated, though by a very small majority.

sea.

The French party, not satisfied with disgusting the president with the government, were desirous of having a successor appointed of their own party; and not only strove to influence the electors in favor of Mr. Jefferson, but to cast a share of odium upon the government by complaints and threats of war. The following decree was passed by the executive directory, and pompously delivered by the French minister, Adet, to Mr. Pickering, the secretary of state at Philadelphia:

"The executive directory, considering, that, if it becomes the faith of the French nation to respect treaties or conventions, which secure to the flags of some neutral or friendly powers commercial advantages (if they should turn to the

when they were often told the destruction of England was inevitable; that the arts of that nation would go over to America, if she secured the friendship of France; that, if she placed any reliance upon England, the fate of Venice would overtake her; and some idea might be formed of the consequence of provoking the directors, by what the Portuguese ambassador had experienced a few days before. He had been sent away with the insulting intelligence, that an army should follow him till it got possession of his country. When peace was concluded with the emperor, Talleyrand saw the likely failure of his scheme with respect to the bribe and the loan, and he thought to terrify the envoys by shewing them the new situation that their country was in, from France having her forces disengaged.

The American ministers stated, that they were waited upon by Mr. X. who told them of the peace with the emperor, and that some proposals had been expected from them on the subject of their former conversation; that the directory were impatient, and would take a decided course with regard to America, if not softened; and that the peace with the emperor might make a change in the American system. To this they replied, that it had been expected by them, and would not at all affect their conduct. Mr. X. urged the danger of their situation, and pressed the policy of softening the directory, and obtaining time; they might probably not be long in office, and it would be unfortunate if those who succeeded them should find the two nations at war. To this they replied, that a state of war would be preferable to what they now endured; their commerce was plundered and unprotected; but if war was declared, they would endeavour to protect it. Mr. X. returned again to the subject of money, and told them it was expected they would offer some; they answered no, not a sixpence: he proceeded to press the matter very perseveringly; observing, that they had paid money for peace with the Algerines and Indians, and asked if it was not known that nothing could be had in France without money, as there was not an American in Paris that could not have given that information. Every art was made use of to induce the envoys to consent to a loan to France; this, they said, they would send one of their members over to state to the American government, provided the other affairs were in the mean time carried on. Talleyrand strenuously urged the ministers to conclude a loan, declaring that it could be settled without sending to America, and dwelt upon it with much energy; nothing, however, was determined on. Mr. Gerry, who had the interview with him, immediately went to his quarters, and put in writing the conversation which had taken place.

The system of chicanery the ministers suffered

was immense, till at last they would hear no BOOK IV. more. Messrs. Pickering and Marshall would not remain in France after the treatment they CHAP. IV. had experienced for four months, and returned to America. Mr. Gerry waited orders from government, and was recalled, after being duped by Talleyrand's professions of esteem.

A universal uproar happened in America, when the ambassador's report was laid before the government, and preparations were made for war; the French party, bowever, threw obstacles in the way, and persuaded the people that the directory were anxious for peace. This was a strong instance of a foreign power directing the affairs of a state against its own government; the honor of the country, and the stability of the government, demanded that the insults offered to the ministers should be punished, but an attachment to peace took away the people's senses. Yet a posture of defence was taken. General Washington was to command the army, and a naval force was ordered to protect their trade; there was acrimony enough between the two governments, but they were at a great distance from each other, and the matter terminated in a battle of words.

Soon after, America lost her adviser, general, and late president, Washington, who died Dec. 15, 1799, aged 59.

This celebrated personage cannot, perhaps, be classed among the men of superior genius, or of very splendid talents. Yet it must be allowed, that he combined in his own character an assemblage of qualities, moral and intellectual, which are rarely found in the same person; and these he possessed without the alloy of any considerable imperfection or defect. To an inflexible integrity, a pure and philosophical disinterestedness, he added the most perfect self-government, the most invincible constancy, and determined perseverance. The characteristic of his understanding was rectitude, no less than of his heart. He had a clear and extensive discernmeut of men and things; but, far from being pertinaciously attached to his own opinions, he paid rather too much than too little deference to those of others. As a commander, he was actuated by a high sense of honor, and manifested, on many occasions, great personal courage. His talents seemed rather adapted to defensive than offensive war; and he was distinguished in the field by vigilance, fortitude, and secrecy, more than by profound penetration or ardor of enterprise. In this respect, as well as in all others, he was peculiarly fortunatethat his situation corresponded perfectly both with his intellectual and moral endowments, and exhibited them in the most conspicuous point of view. In the character of that man, collectively considered, there must have been something transcendently great and noble, to whom, under the pressure of the most alarming difficulties and

1799.

1800.

BOOK IV. dangers, all America looked up, as to the guardian and protector of his country. On his wisCHAP. IV. dom and on his valour they relied with confidence for safety. Never, in any age or nation, was a trust so great, so entire, so universal, placed in any individual; and, never did any individual more completely satisfy the lofty and sanguine expectations which had been previously formed of him.

The president of the United States, Mr. Adams, when he opened the congress, at the close of the year 1798, explained the causes of the ill success attending the negociation with France. He declared, that," instead of putting a stop to the depredations of the French privateers, it had sanctioned those depredations; and while such principles and practices prevailed, it was impossible to support their honor and their rights, except by a firm resistance." He observed the impossibility of sending again another embassy, without degrading the nation, until France had given a satisfactory assurance that the sacred right of ambassadors should be respected; and

as no such assurance had taken place, he inferred the necessity of making vigorous preparations for war."

The president, however, altered his tone, for, early in the year 1799, he informed the senate that he had named new ambassadors plenipotentiary to treat with France, who were not to embark, though, for Europe, till assurances were given that they should be received in the characters, and enjoy the privileges, of public ministers, and till a minister or ministers should be appointed, with equal powers, to treat with them. Accordingly, soon after the formation of the consular government, Messrs. Elsworth, Henry, and Murray, arrived in France, as ambassadors from the United States of America, to destroy all the existing differences between the two republics by virtue of a treaty.

On hearing of the death of General Washing. ton, Bonaparte ordered all the colours and officers of the republic to mount black crape for ten days.

Bournonville was kindly received ambassador at the court of Berlin, and the chief consul, through him, had the fullest assurances of neutrality on the part of Prussia. The example of the King was followed by the Elector of Saxony. The imperial cabinet solicited his co-operation;

the late revolution in France had determined his choice. Sweden also evinced more friendly dispositions towards the republic, and the neutrality of Denmark was confirmed by the example of Prussia.

The former campaign in Italy, as the reader will find in the preceding Book, ended with the capture of Coni and the death of Championnet,

whom Bonaparte disliked; the French army consequently retreated into the territory of Genoa, the only place of consequence in Italy, which they now held. The combined powers, therefore, attached the glory of the present campaign to the recovery of Genoa from the republicans; for whilst the French had possession of this place, they could assist their army in Switzerland, and secure a passage into Italy.

The cabinet of Vienna, enabled by the treasure of England, began to display no small degree of vigor and alacrity. The plan adopted for the campaign of this year differed entirely from that of the former, and appeared to spring out of the new situation of affairs. It was determined to remain entirely on the defensive in Germany, and, by making Italy the theatre of war, to free the whole of that country from the dominion of France. To attain this grand object with the greater facility, a powerful diversion was intended to be made in the southern provinces of the republic, by means of the English fleet in the Me