Having plainly demonstrated how perfectly unfounded and unjust are the wrongs imputed to us, we will enter into the discussion of the last argument which the Austrian Minister might oppose, although until now it has not been brought forward.

There exists in the treaty signed at Vienna on the 12th June, 1815, between the Courts of the Two Sicilies and Austria, a separate article in these terms:

"The engagements entered upon in this treaty by their Majesties, to secure the internal peace of Italy, imposing on them an obligation to preserve their states and respective subjects from fresh re-actions, and from the danger of imprudent innovations, which might be the forerunners of them, it is understood by the high-contracting Powers, that His Majesty the King of the Two Sicilies, in re-establishing the government of the kingdom, will not admit any changes irreconcileable either with ancient monarchical institutions or with the principles adopted by his Imperial and Apostolic Majesty, for the interior government of his Italian provinces "

The vague and ambiguous phrases of this article require an explanation. It is well known that in diplomacy the literal sense of treaties is the only one that is relied on. The King, having contormed to the understanding of the said article at the time of the restoration of the government of Naples, has fulfilled his promise. And it is worth remarking here, that the question rested on a mere understanding, and not on a condition or any obligatory engagement for an indefinite time.

Upon what foundation, therefore, can Austria impute it as wrong to the King, his having yielded to the unanimous wish of his people, who demanded the Spanish constitution? However, admitting it even as an hypothesis, that the above-cited article was obligatory for ever, it must be proved, in order to reclaim against its infraction, that the change operated in the form of our government is in opposition with monarchical institutions. We might, on the contrary, maintain that institutions consolidate thrones, since they render the persons of Sovereigns inviolable, and gaurantee the legitimacy of their rights: but the question does not here turn on the discussion of theories. The point to be proved is-and we think we have sufficiently proved it-that Austria cannot reasonably take advantage of a stipulation which related to different epochs and different circumstances, in order to justify an opposition to our political reform.

To what, then, can we attribute the attitude that Austria has taken, and still daily assumes against us? What can be the motive for the augmentation, excessive as well as precipitate, of the Austrian troops in Italy? As long as the King imagined that, in taking this step, the Cabinet of Vienna had in view only the maintenance of the good order and the interior tranquillity of his Italian States, His Majesty respected the right which every Power has of doing in its own country, whatever may appear advisable. But when the Court of Vienna obstinately refuses to enter into any explanation with that of the Two Sicilies, and to receive the representatives and agents of the King-when the Emperor refuses to reply to the confidential letters of His Majesty-when the Austrian Cabinet circulates notes among the Allied Powers, the Germanic Confederation, and Italian Governments, against the new order of things established in Naples-when, in short, the newspapers of Vienna and Milan ofhcially promulgate sentiments hostile to us, which a self-respecting government should never authorise, the King would be wanting to the sentiment of his own dignity-to what he owes to the brave and generous nation whose destinies have been confided to him by Providence-if he showed himself indifferent to so inconceivable a conduct on the part of a friendly and allied government.

In consequence, His Majesty has ordered the undersigned to address him

self to his Highness Prince Metternich, to require a positive and categorical explanation respecting the intention of these extraordinary armaments, and respecting the attitude that Austria has assumed towards the Neapolitan Government; an attitude as contrary to the bonds and sentiments of friendship existing between the two Courts, as it is at variance with the principles of fraternity and disinterestedness towards a nation which has closely admired her great virtues: for, certainly, if any circumstance could tarnish the splendor of those virtues, it would be the aggression which Austria might meditate against the kingdom of the Two Sicilies. Posterity would scarcely give credit to such an injustice-an outrage so hostile to the rights of nations, and the more odious, as the same power which would render itself guilty of such a crime never opposed the smallest state of Germany in framing constitutions to themselves, and took no step, at least no public one, towards Spain, whose example we followed.

To other motives, therefore, must be attributed the war that Austria would undertake against a pacific nation, solely occupied with its own welfare, and anxious to maintain the best understanding with every foreign Power, and to cement the particular relations existing between the Courts of Naples and Vienna.

The high opinion which His Majesty the King has of the individual qualities of His Majesty the Emperor of Austria, is to him a guarantee of the justice and wisdom that will preside at his deliberations; and he believes that he is not mistaken in thinking, that at no distant period the Austrian Government will shake off its prejudices against us, and that the bonds of friendship which formerly united the two states, will be again cemented for the reciprocal advantage of both nations. But if, unfortunately, this hope should not be realised, the King and the whole nation-being determined to defend, to the last extremity, the independence of the kingdom and constitution, which is the palladium of our rights, and the firmest support of legitimate monarchy-are ready to bury themselves under the ruins of their country, sooner than to submit to a foreign yoke. The example of the heroic resistance of the Spaniards to the despotism of Napoleon would encourage us; and if the reports which the Cabinet of Vienna receives from Naples are founded on truth, it will not suppose what we here advance to be exaggerated.

The Undersigned, therefore, begs of his Highness Prince Metternich to lay this note before His Imperial and Roman Apostolic Majesty, and to give it an early and precise answer, in order that we may know how to appreciate the intentions of the Court of Vienna.

The Secretary of State,

Minister for Foreign Affairs, (Signed) The Duke of CAMPO CHIARO.

BERLIN, DECEMBER 19, 1820.

Our State Gazette contains the following Article:

IN No. 148 of Voss's Berlin Gazette various reports are related, which, as the Editor affirms, were in circulation at Vienna, respecting the approaching events in Italy. The author of the article says that these reports contradict each other; yet he mentions, as coming from good authority, that the Cabinets at Troppau had resolved to make another attempt to induce the party prevailing at Naples, if not to overturn the new order of things, at least to bring it, by means of various modifications, nearer to monarchical principles. The author adds, to a certainty, that on the 20th of November couriers were dispatched to Naples with the final proposals of the Sovereigns.

An impenetrable veil still covers the deliberations of the Congress at Troppau, and it would be presumption to say any thing respecting them. So much, however, we are authorised to declare, that no idea was ever entertained for a moment, at Troppau, of negociating with the party prevailing at Naples, or to make proposals to it to change the new order of things. This would be, in other terms, recognising the legality of an insurrection, the instigators to which were a secret political sect, and whose instrument was the army. There cannot be a thought of bringing a Constitution, which is the product of unlawful power, more or less near to the monarchical principles, The monarchical principle rejects every institution which is not determined upon, and accomplished by the Monarch himself, of his own free will. It is for the King of Naples, when he shall be in a state of liberty, to introduce into his kingdom another Constitution, that is, so far as he shall be convinced that such a one is adapted to the wants and wishes of the people. It is therefore wholly unfounded, that on the 20th of November two couriers were dispatched to Naples with proposals to the present Government: only this is true, that on the 24th the Monarchs dispatched autograph letters to the King, the contents of which, however, are unknown. It is likewise entirely false that the conferences at Troppau were adjourned for three weeks, These conferences have not been for a moment interrupted.

CIRCULAR NOTE OF THE COURTS OF AUSTRIA, RUSSIA, AND PRUSSIA, TO THE MINISTERS AND CHARGES D'AFFAIRES AT THE GERMAN AND NORTHERN COURTS.

INFORMED of the false and extravagant report respecting the object and the results of the conferences at Troppau, which malevolent persons have put in circulation, and the credulous have further disseminated, the Allied Courts consider it to be necessary to give authentic explanations to their Ministers at Foreign Courts, to enable them to correct the mistakes and false opinions occasioned by these reports. The annexed short view furnishes you with the means. It is not designed for a foremost communication. You will consider with the Ambassadors of the other Courts the step to be taken on this occasion.

Troppau, Dec. 8.

Short View of the first Results of the Conferences at Troppau THE events of the 8th March, in Spain; of 2d July, in Naples; and the catastrophe of Portugal, could not but excite a deep feeling of uneasiness and sorrow in all those who are bound to provide for the security of States, and at the same time to inspire them with a desire to unite and jointly to take into consideration how to eradicate all the evils which threatened to break out over Europe. It was natural that these feelings should especially influence those Powers who had lately conquered the revolution, and now see it raise its head anew; and it was equally natural those Powers, in order to oppose it for the third time, should have recourse to the same means of which they had made so successful a use in the memorable contest which freed Europe from a yoke it had borne for twenty years. Every thing encouraged the hope, that this union, founded in the most dangerous circumstancescrowned by the most splendid success-confirmed by the negociations of 1814, 1815, and 1818—as it had prepared, founded, and completed the peace of the world-as it had delivered the European Continent from the tyranny of the revolution, would also be able to check a no less tyrannical, no less detestable power, the power of rebellion and crime.

These were the motives, this the object of the conferences at Troppau. The former are so evident, that they want no farther explanation; the latter

so salutary and honorable, that the wishes of all honest persons will doubtless attend the Allied Courts in their noble career.

The task which the most sacred obligations impose on them is great and difficult, but a happy presentiment lets them hope, that they shall attain their object in the unalterable maintenance of the spirit of those Treaties, to which Europe owes Peace and the Union between its States.

The Powers exercised an undisputed right, when they considered of joint measures of precautions against States, in which an overthrow of the Government, effected by rebellion, even considered only as an example, must give occasion to a hostile attitude. Towards all legitimate Constitutions and Governments the exercise of this right became the more urgent, when those who had come into this situation, endeavoured to communicate the misfortune which they had drawn on themselves, to the neighbouring countries, and to spread around them rebellion and confusion. In such an attitude, in such conduct, there is an evident breach of the compact which insures to all European Governments, besides the inviolability of their territory, the enjoyment of those peaceful relations which exclude every reciprocal encroachment.

This incontrovertible fact was the point from which the Allied Courts departed. The ministers who could be furnished at Troppau itself with precise instructions from their Sovereigns, agreed together, therefore, on the principles of conduct with respect to States, whose form of Government had undergone a change by force, and the amicable or compulsory measures which, in cases where a substantial and wholesome influence was to be expected, might bring back such States within the pale of the Union. They communicated their de liberations to the Courts of London and Paris, that these Courts might take them into their own consideration.

As the Revolution at Naples daily takes more root, as no other so nearly and so evidently endangers the tranquillity of the neighbouring States, and as no other can be so immediately and speedily opposed, a conviction arose of the necessity of proceeding towards the kingdom of the Two Sicilies, according to the principles above stated.

In order to lead to conciliating measures for this purpose, the Monarchs assembled at Troppau resolved to invite the King of the two Sicilies to an interview at Laybach; a step, the sole object of which was to free the will of the King from all external constraint, and to place His Majesty in the situation of a Mediator between his misled people and the States whose tranquillity was threatened. As the Monarchs were resolved not to recognise Governments which had been produced by open rebellion, they could not enter into negociations except with the King alone. Their Ministers and Agents at Naples have received the necessary instructions to this effect.

France and England have been invited to participate in this step, and it is to be expected that they will not refuse their concurrence, as the principles on which the invitation is founded are perfectly conformable to the Treaties they have formerly signed, and, besides, offer a pledge of the most just and peaceable senti

ments.

The system adopted between Austria, Russia, and Prussia, is not a new one; it reposes on the same maxims which were the basis of the Treaties by which the Union of the European States was founded. The intimate harmony between the Courts which are in the centre of this Union, can only gain by it in strength and duration. The Union will consolidate itself in the same manner as it was formed by the Monarchs who founded it, and has been gradually adopted by all those who were convinced of its evident, now less than ever to be doubted, advantages. No further proof is necessary, that neither thoughts, conquest, nor the pretension to violate the Independence of other Governments in their internal administration, nor the endeavour to impede voluntary and wise ameliorations, consonant with the true

interest of nations, has had any share in the resolutions of the Allied Powers. They desire nothing but to maintain peace, to free Europe from the scourge of revolution, and to prevent, or to lessen as far as in their power, the evil which arises from the violation of all principles of order and morality. On these conditions they think themselves entitled, as the reward of their cares and exertions, to the unanimous approbation of the world.

CIRCULAR DISPATCH TO HIS MAJESTY'S MISSIONS AT FOREIGN COURTS, LAID BEFORE THE HOUSE OF LORDS, IN PURSUANCE OF AN ADDRESS TO HIS MAJESTY, FEB. 1821.,

Foreign Office, Jan. 19, 1821.

SIR,-I should not have felt it necessary to have made any communication to you, in the present state of the discussions begun at Troppau and transferred to Laybach, had it not been for a Circular Communication which has been addressed by the Courts of Austria, Prussia, and Russia, to their several Missions, and which His Majesty's Government conceive, if not adverted to, might (however unintentionally) convey, upon the subject therein alluded to, very erroneous impressions of the past, as well as of the present, sentiments of the British Government.

It has become therefore necessary to inform you, that the King has felt himself obliged to decline becoming a party to the measure in question.

These measures embrace two distinct objects-1st, The establishment of certain general principles for the regulation of the future political conduct of the Allies in the cases therein described. 2dly, The proposed mode of dealing, under these principles, with the existing affairs of Naples.

The system of measures proposed under the former head, if to be reciprocally acted upon, would be in direct repugnance to the fundamental laws of this country. But even if this decisive objection did not exist, the British Government would nevertheless regard the principles on which these measures rest, to be such as could not be safely admitted as a system of international law. They are of opinion that their adoption would inevitably sanction, and, in the hands of less beneficent monarchs, might hereafter lead to a much more frequent and extensive interference in the internal transactions of States, than they are persuaded is intended by the august parties from whom they proceed, or can be reconciled either with the general interest, or with the efficient authority and dignity of independent Sovereigns. They do not regard the alliance as entitled, under existing treaties, to assume, in their character as allies, any such general powers, nor do they conceive that such extraordinary powers could be assumed, in virtue of any fresh diplomatic transaction among the Allied Courts, without their either attributing to themselves a supremacy incompatible with the rights of other States, or, if to be acquired through the special accession of such States, without introducing a federative system in Europe, not only unwieldy and ineffectual to its object, but leading to many most serious inconveniences.

With respect to the particular case of Naples, the British Government, at the very earliest moment, did not hesitate to express their strong disapprobation of the mode and circumstances under which that revolution was understood to have been effected; but they, at the same time, expressly declared to the several Allied Courts that they should not consider themselves as either called upon, or justified to advise an interference on the part of this country: they fully admitted, however, that other European States, and especially Austria and the Italian Powers, might feel themselves differently circumstanced; and they professed that it was not their purpose to prejudge the question as it might affect them, or to interfere with the