rarely emerge into print. October has not been a good month for the "wild men," save in so far as it has kept tthem in the centre of the stage. They must now realize be that it is infinitely easier to promote than to prevent a Estrike, and that, though it may suit their book to blow hot lat one moment and cold at another, such conduct is liable to misinterpretation by the zealots of the rank and file, who imagined that when their leaders promised revolution they meant something. Mr. Smillie had comparatively little difficulty-after many years of underground preparation-in persuading a sufficiency of miners that the hour had come for a strike which, with the promised aid of the Triple Alliance, would so paralyse the country that the Government would have no option but to surrender the mines to the miners and to nationalize everything else in sight. On this foundation a Soviet could easily be built, with Mr. Smillie, Mr. Williams, Mr. Cramp or Mr. Tom Mann-the identity of "the top dog" is immaterial-as the British Lenin. Such was the programme and the ideal -the mere discussion of which kept many apprehensive citizens awake at night; but events did not according to plan, mainly because the working classes of this country of both sexes are too sensible to imitate Russia. They doubt whether any section of the community would gain if we replaced the King's Government by the Miners' Federation or the Triple Alliance, while they realize that the vast majority stand to lose by the so-called "Dictatorship of the Proletariat "--which, be it remembered, does not even mean the dictatorship of the Trade Unions, but the dictatorship of the Trade Union Secretaries. Therefore, from the outset, the Soviet movement in this country was a fizzle-as we believe it always will be in so sane and wellbalanced a community-and its artificers were only, too thankful to "" save face by relapsing into a wrangle with Sir Robert Horne on the thorny question of wages and prices.

D

pan out'

BUT, like Frankenstein, who found that he had created a monster he could neither coax nor control, the bosses of

the Miners' Federation realized too late that the situation had run away from them. They had confidently counted on bluffing an invertebrate Coalition, and, in Coal Strike justice to them, it must be admitted that everything had been done to encourage the notion that any body of "Organized Labour" had only to ask in order to obtain. But for once the interests of the community were in the hands of a Minister who is not a professional politician, but an able, sensible, public-spirited man, equally ready to concede everything in reason, but firm in resisting the unreasonable, realizing as he does that one such surrender simply involves another when you are dealing with men obviously working with an ulterior purpose Sir Robert Horne's personality governed the situation and prevented any of that back-stairs business which was so mischievous during last year's railway strike. With public opinion hostile to the preposterous claims of the Miners' Federation and overwhelmingly on the side of Sir Robert, timorous colleagues felt that they had no option but to support him, and, try as the agitators might to detach the Prime Minister--who had been cast once more for his familiar rôle as Saviour of Society "for once there was solidarity, and it is said that the Miners Federation got little more change out of Mr. Lloyd George than out of the Minister of Labour. From that moment Mr. Smillie, at any rate, saw reason, though we shall not imitate the Capitalist Press," or insult him by those encomiums on his "moderation" with which the firmament suddenly resounded. It is conceivable that he may have found salvation at the twelfth hour, but the Conversion is too sudden to be impressive. The attitude of the country and the Government showed him that a coal strike would be a fiasco, which in any event would shatter the Miners Federation and his own despotism. He trimmed his sails accordingly. We reserve our enthusiasm for other per formances, all the more because "the moderate " of yester day may become a "bitter ender " now that once more the Moderates have been defeated.

1,

THE month of September was, it will be remembered, consumed by "Conferences" between the Government and

the Coalowners'

tir Plan

the Miners' Federation, with the occasional intervention of the Triple Alliance. Messrs. Smillie and Co.-encouraged by previous experiences-imagined from the outset that they were engaged in forcing an open door, when they would receive the capitulation of the Cabinet. Proportionate was their chagrin and consternation when they tardily perceived that the Government, for once, said what it meant and meant what it said, and, though willing to meet the Miners in any reasonable way, resolutely refused to allow them to dictate terms or to settle questions of national policy. If only. such an attitude had been adopted earlier, the country would have been spared a good deal, and strikes would never have developed into lethal weapons. As it was, the Miners' Federation jumped at the suggestion that the strike notices should be temporarily suspended while they ferred" anew with the Coalowners, exploring the possibilities of an increase of wages based on increased production. For the moment the entire Soviet programme was suspended, Nationalization was no longer mentioned, and the "philanthropic " proposal that the price of coal should be reduced to the general consumer was dropped like a hot potato. Thus was the controversy reduced to a good old wrangle between employers and employed as to whether the latter's wages should be increased, and outsiders confidently averred that, like thousands of similar disputes, the Coal controversy would be amicably settled on a mutual basis of give and take. This was certainly the wish of the vast majority of the people of these Islands, in all classes and of both sexes, who were already apprehensive about the future of employment, and, apart from a negligible though noisy minority of "Bolshies," had no desire for an upset, which always means misery for the masses. Unhappily, the optimists were disappointed, as is not infrequently their lot in these troubled times. This disaster cannot, however, be fairly imputed to the Coalowners, who submitted what is generally regarded as a reasonable plan for the regulation of wages

based on output, assuring an increase to the collier ba production rose above the comparatively low level of six months ago. This offer was summarily declined by the th Miners' Federation, who could hardly be got to consider it me They take little interest in increased output, though much in increased wages. This is the crux of the whole question and the cause of the Coal Strike.

The "Two
Shillings

rate

We need not deluge our readers with the details of this wearisome strife. The owners fought a strenuous rearguard action for more coal-not for more profits the Miners' Federation fought for more wages f independently of output, for one of the best paid industries in the country. At a Conference in Downing Street, Mr. Hodges-a born mischief-maker-had tried to bluff to Mr. Lloyd George into bullying the Coalowners into granting an immediate increase of two shillings a shift in wages on the "probability" of increased output. This was naturally a declined. The fact that their demand involved. a charge of several millions, necessitating an increased price to the consumer--for whom, at an earlier stage, the Miners Federation affected to be fighting-left our wild men "stone cold." "Two shillings, the whole two shillings, and nothing but two shillings," had become their slogan, without any st guarantee against another two shillings being sought when ever it suited the extremists, and further rises afterwards Such was the deadlock at one time that the miners' repre sentatives actually declined the Government's suggestion of further conference with the owners, and positively refused to submit any proposals to another ballot. But after the Prime Minister had set out the plan of the datum line associating increased wages with increased output (the actual figures to be agreed upon between owners and miners) and demonstrating that there was much room for improve ment and correspondingly higher wages, Mr. Smillie was once more shaken, though Mr. Hodges remained recalcitrant After a severe internal crisis in the Miners' Federation in the course of which Mr. Smillie is said to have threatened resignation, it was decided once more to postpone the strike

at

the and to take a fresh ballot on the Coalowners' offer. By this time the mining bosses were at loggerheads, though outlined wardly they preserved union by continually demanding an immediate two shillings. Ultimately, under Governhment pressure, there was a final conference (October 1st) ne between miners and owners, who amended their former offer by proposing that if the total production of coal were at the rate of 240 million tons per year, the miners should have an increase of ls. per day; if it rose to 244 million tons, they would get ls. 6d. ; for 248 million tons, 2s.; for 252 million tons, 2s. 6d., and for 256 million tons an increase of 3s. a day. As the output for the March quarter was at the rate of 248 million tons, it was obvious that by working steadily the miners could easily secure the coveted two shillings, and probably a good deal more.

Their Hearts'
Desire

No fairer offer was ever made for the purpose of preventing a strike, and the worst impression was made on the public by its blunt refusal and the reiterated demand for the unconditional two shillings, on which question the Government had no choice but to be firm, Mr. Smillie carried the day over his wilder colleagues of the Federation to the extent of referring to a ballot of the men the question whether the datum line be accepted or rejected. The ballot paper lucidly stated the case but offered no advice by the Executive of the Miners' Federation as to how they should vote, as it was divided. October 11th and 12th were the appointed polling-days, prior to which some disquietude was caused by the announcement of Mr. Hodges (Secretary of the Miners' Federation) that only a bare majority was needed, and that, on the rejection of the offer, the strike notices operated automatically, the men thus having no alternative between higher wages based on higher output and a strike. Whether this was understood on the coalfields we have no means of knowing. Miners are alleged to have an insuperable aversion to any datum line, for reasons that have not been disclosed. It must be acknowledged that the among their visions leaders found little reflection among the rank and file, who,

,