in Rome against those who were fomenting strikes in the public services and against the Socialists, the printing office of the Socialist newspaper Avanti was attacked an destroyed, all the bourgeois newspapers offered that new paper their own printing-offices in homage to liberty thought and the fraternity of their profession: all bourgeois newspapers of Rome save one, the Idea Nazional The truth is that, for the Nationalists, things which to othe seem still a legitimate exercise of elementary civil righ have become political crimes. Here the Socialists think a do the Nationalists. In the very days of the above men tioned disturbances, the Avanti published a famous decalog of Lenin, in which he said: "The liberty of the Pre and of public meetings would only permit the bourgeois to poison public opinion." The Italian Socialist pap naturally, in view of Socialism's imminent "advent accepted the commandment of the great Russian "com rade." Even among Socialists, in spite of their exaggeration and extravagances, there may be found traces of an idea sound government.

Incomparably deeper than the difference existing betwee Nationalism and Liberalism is the difference between and Democracy, not only in Italy, but everywhere. Th difference goes down to the deepest strata of human geology When "Western Democracies " made so clamorous a attack on Prussian Militarism and German Imperialism Italian Nationalists maintained in loud tones that Demo racy itself had been the accomplice of the Kaiser in pr paring it. They had disarmed their nations in obedien to peacemongers, and had reduced armaments while othe were arming in excess. For war, in fact, often breaks ou by upsetting the balance of power. In regard to the hom politics, also, of European Democracy, the Nationalist hold a very definite opinion. It is like a man with two wives the parliamentary system is bound at once to plutocra and demagogy.

After this it is superfluous to add that Italian Nations ists are not the friends of Parliament. As a minimu programme, they desire a reform of the system; as maximum, they would desire to see a national institution composed of the representatives of industry, of agricultu and of labour.

ENRICO CORRADINI

was

Offerd

age

and

the

SPURIOUS DEMOCRACY

has

MOCRACY, which to-day means civilization, is threatened eh invasion by its enemies. They assail its principles of erty and progress with a gospel of autocracy for the few tar slavery for the multitude. But, democracy has dangers thin as well as without; and it is the internal weakthegs which makes the external danger formidable. It opted undemocratic ideas, and it tends to throw down arms and bulwarks. And, in ignorance of the real Sture of the movement that beats against its gates, it tems inclined to draw the bolts. Did Englishmen but ow what that bitter, destructive enthusiasm called Bolevism really is, in its deeds and fruits, not one of them ho is not a degenerate could think of it with anything but thing. But they do not know; and, meanwhile, prinples fatal to democratic health undermine the power of sistance.

the

Genuine "democracy" is profoundly true to humanity. works through freedom, but not without discipline, for Le general good. But, a false humanitarianism, which verses human values and menaces the common welfare, is been largely adopted behind its walls. It is under is spirit that revolutions are begun. They spring from a ty which is incapable of satisfying itself or giving satisction; which, as its failure grows upon it, gives the reins ore and more to envy, hatred and destruction, and, in the id, works with diabolic cruelty.

As it starts on its career it appeals, often from most achristian lips, to the Christian duty to "bear the inmities of the weak." But, it is too often forgotten, by lose who hasten to respond, that this Christian duty cannot e carried out in a society where no one is to be encouraged be strong and where weakness is accorded a privileged osition—a society which, setting out to bear the infirmities the weak, puts itself under the weak and lets them

Overn it.

Such a policy is profoundly unwise and inhumane; and,

though it may be welcomed by a bastard "Christian of sentimentality, it is inconsistent with a living and authen Christianity, which stands always for the higher vitality ante is misrepresented or perverted when it is set in oppositio to human welfare.

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The humanitarian movement of the eighteenth a nineteenth centuries, which made the beginnings of mode of democracy, was inspired by a thoroughly healthy sympath with the sufferings of the poor. And the Religious Reviva led by Wesley and Whitefield, had a great deal to do w it. It was more than consistent with Christianity-it w Christian-to work for the removal of privileges whi imposed unfair burdens and disabilities on large masses the people and gave rewards to the accident of birth witho regard for merit. And, releasing as it did great numbe of people from oppression, this movement added to o strength as a nation, and, as reform followed reform, tende with occasional set-backs, to enhance our efficiency. humane desire to give liberty to the prisoners of circumstan -to accord something like equality of opportunity to all was the constructive impulse which, joined with the pr ciple of seeking the greatest happiness of the greate number, constituted the basis of true democratic policy

Democracy to-day is out of health-dangerously because these principles of liberty and community are. popular than they formerly were. The most energe forces making for change are striving to restrict liber and to create a new privileged class-a class which sh receive pre-eminent consideration not because it represe some sort of inherited power, but because it excites pity as the "under dog." The old democracy sought give the under dog his chance; the new and undemocr democracy aims at taking away the chances of other peo by not permitting them to do anything better than under dog may be able or disposed to do it. According it has become not a liberating but an enslaving movem It sets the weak and unworthy in a position of mast over the community. It works for the satisfaction backward minority against the interests of the grea

:

appiness of the greatest number; and, absorbing all emocratic principle in an overgrown sense of pity, it goes eyond the giving comfort to the less capable (which is hat we all want to do): it sets him in authority and does. s best to secure that he shall not suffer from unsatisfied vy. He sets the standard for the community; he is the istocrat of Unworth.

We seem to be ignoring the fact that the community ust suffer if it fails to reward efficiency and sets its mark approbation where Nature handicaps or excludes from Inning at all. We must allow our judgment to govern me of our emotions. We view with sympathy the inpacity of the horse, and the yet greater incapacity of e donkey, to compete with the power of petrol. That is gitimate in the region of feeling. But, the state of our eat thoroughfares, where the slowest vehicle-pushed by nd, it may be governs the situation, is a symbol of a be-governs ly which is to be found not in our streets alone. It is t good, if you be moving about to any useful purpose, at you should receive more consideration when you sert your motor for an old four-wheeler ; that you ould find yourself free to cut corners (on the wrong side) your leisure and be master of the road, till the donkeyn chooses to get in your way. From the point of view the community, the old cab ought not to control the i nor the donkey-cart the cab.

Out of the state of things in which this preference vails we may come to a situation like that in the France 1793, where the aristocrat and the bourgeois found it antageous to appear ragged and unkempt. For, in fact, 8 spirit-the spirit that gives power to the objects of its y, and privileges, instead of liberating, the under dog, he chief influence making for revolution. It is also a rit which makes for racial decay.

Faced as we are with a revolutionary movement, the al aspect of its influence may seem almost negligible: jal questions take years to work out, and revolution is immediate menace calling for instant measures. But, ve though the moment is, we can best deal with it by

not forgetting aspects of the situation which will continu to be important when the present conspiracy again humanity has been defeated. If we neglect to do this, we continue to privilege the racially C3 people, as we a doing to-day, we shall still suffer from a process of deca in the years when we may no longer be in danger of viole tyranny. We may lose in a generation all that we ma seem to save to-day if the physical and moral quality our people encourages the increase of inferior types an penalizes possessors of Al characteristics. We do, quit reasonably, a great deal for the C3 people. We do wh we can to improve away the conditions which make difficult for them to survive. But we should not wish help them to multiply in their C3 character.

We have to recognize that we have suffered a loss racial value, in the recent war, greater beyond all com parison than has been borne by any other nation. A wars have a tendency to produce racial damage, becaus they set a blood-tax on young manhood. And moder wars do not do much in the way of redressing the balanc by bringing pestilence and starving to operate against thos who are unfit to assist in the struggle. But, in the recen war all the factors tending to racial mischief were great increased in severity by our foolish dependence so long the practice of voluntary enlistment. The effect of this wa to reduce the moral as well as the physical value of ou surviving national breed. And at the same time we gar encouragement to less valuable elements of our race by domestic policy for pacifying the people who live thrift lessly and thoughtlessly by transferring to them a grea part of the means which would have enabled the classes citizens who are most thrifty in their habits and most civi in their mind to bear the cost of family life.

.

This was, from the point of view of race welfare as well as from that of justice, a very serious mistake. We gave encouragement where it was least wanted-where Nature in fact, in many cases, would have applied discouragement And we did a great deal to burden those whom Natura and sound civic discrimination would have sought to bless