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upon the murder of Gratian; when, at the request of Justina, he undertook the difficult embassy to the usurper Maximus, and was the means of preserving the peace of Italy.

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ON PHILIPPIANS ii. 13.

SIR,-This text has always appeared to me to be one of considerable uncertainty in the Greek. ὁ γὰρ Θεὸς ἐστιν ὁ ἐνεργῶν ἐν ὑμῖν καὶ τὸ θέλειν καὶ τὸ ἐνεργεῖν ὑπὲρ τῆς εὐδοκίας. According to our authorized version, the meaning would seem plain and unquestionable. πèρ τñе Evdокíαs, "of his good pleasure," "ex arbitrio evdokias, ejus." And so Schleusner, after various senses of vπèρ, says 6— secundum, juxtà-Phil. ii. 13. VπÈρ τñs evdokiαs, secundum benignam suam voluntatem, i. 9. kurà тǹv evdokiav avroũ, Eph. i. 15. So also Cameron (Crit. Sacr.), " Non est quod quis miretur insolentiam particulæ vnèp quæ hic pro karà posita est. Nam quod hoc loco apostolus ὑπὲρ τῆς εὐδοκίας dicit, alibi κατὰ τὴν εὐδοκίαν dixit, Eph. i 9. Nempe nihil est ejusmodi enallagis frequentius. Sic 2 Tness. ii. 1. Rogamus vos, inquit apostolus, ὑπὲρ τῆς παρουσίας, pro διὰ τῆς παρουσίας.

There seems to be great difficulty in admitting such an enallage of prepositions as is here spoken of, especially as (whatever may be thought of the instance cited from 2 Thess.) there is no other case in the New Testament where the preposition rèp is so changed.

The other set of interpretations, in which evdokia is rendered the good-will or desire of the Philippians themselves, seems to be still more inadmissible.

The words Evdokéw and evdokia, as applied to God, in the New Testament, seem to bear two distinguishable meanings: (1) God's consilium, purpose or decree; so Luke xii. 32; 1 Cor. i. 21; Gal. i. 15; Matt. ii. 26; Luke x. 21; Eph. i. 5-9. (2) God's approbation; so Matt. iii. 17; xvii. 5; Mark i. 11; Luke iii. 22; 1 Cor. x. 5; Heb. x. 6, 8; 2 Thess. i. 12.

The most usual meaning of rèp is thus given by Schleusner :1. ad, innuens causam finalem. John xi. 4, hic morbus ouk éσrì πρòs. θάνατον ἀλλ ̓ ὑπὲρ τῆς δόξης τοῦ Θεοῦ. Hic morbus non est lethalis, sed ad gloriam Dei tendit ἵνα δοξάσθῃ ὁ Υἱὸς τοῦ Θεοῦ δι ̓ αὐτῆς, ut in sequentibus explicatur.

Applying this very apposite instance to our present passage, vrÈρ τῆς εὐδοκίας may be held (supposing ὑπὲρ to be used in its common sense) equivalent to iva evdor (o Oeòs, doubtless.)

If this be so, two meanings are readily borne by the words: the one, (ἐνεργῶν) ἵνα εὐδοκῇ, which may be expressed in the words of Clarius(Crit. Sacr.) ut impleat in nos suam bonam voluntatem et consilium; the other, (évɛpyeīv) iva evdokй, to act, with a view to His approbation. My object in making these observations, is not to shew any preference for one of these interpretations over the other, but merely to point out that the words so expressive (and expressive of only one VOL. IV.-Nov. 1833.

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meaning) in the English version, may really bear another somewhat different one. Those who know how perversely the letter of scripture is sometimes interpreted, will feel that even such small objects are not without their use. For myself, I adopt the language of old Bishop Sanderson upon the similar question :-" Both expositions are good, and I rather embrace both than prefer either. I ever held it a kind of honest spiritual thrift, where there are two senses given of one place, both agreeable to the analogy of faith and manners, both so indifferently applicable to the words and scope of the place, as that it is hard to say which was rather intended, though there was but one intended, yet to make use of both. And so will we." (2 Serm. ad Clerum, p. 25.) I am, Sir, your obedient servant, G. M.

KIRK OF SCOTLAND.

DEAR SIR,-We are often charged by members of the Kirk with having attempted to force episcopacy, or, as they stigmatized it, prelacy, upon them by compulsory means. Let History give her own account of this matter. Whether the doctrine and discipline of the kirk were spontaneously embraced by the people, from a pure conviction of their scriptural warranty, or from a fear of civil penalties, will best appear from the following proclamation, taken verbatim out of the confession of faith :

"The King's Majestie's Charge to all Commissioners and Ministers within this

realm.

"Seeing that we and our household have subscribed and given this public confession of our faith to the good example of our subjects: we command and charge all commissioners and ministers to crave the same confession of their parishioners and proceed against the refusers according to our laws and order of the kirk, delivering their names and lawful processe to the ministers of our house with all haist and diligence, under the paine of fourtie pound to be taken from their stipend, that we with the advice of our counsell maie take order with sik proud contemners of God and our laws.

Subscribed with our hand at Halyrudhus, 1580, the 2 daie of March; the 14 zeir of our reigne."

This very much reminds me of Trajan's instructions to Pliny. But it may be said, that this proclamation of "the king's majesties" does not prove that the preachers of that day, John Knox, * Andrew Melville, and all the rest of them, agreed with its popish spirit. The following acts of the General Assembly, will also put this point fair and square.

In a former number of the British Magazine, an argument in favour of the church establishment was drawn from the fact, that the sons of wealthy presbyterians who are able to educate them for the episcopal church, are generally sent into it. Outrageous as Knox was for the kirk himself, it is remarkable that he sent both his sons to Oxford.

"

"Assembly, April 1581, Sess. 9.

"Act approving the Confession of Faith.

"Anent the confession laitlie set forth be the king's majesties proclamation and subscribit be his heines (highness), the kirk in ane voyce acknowledges the said confession to be ane trew christian and faithful confession, to be agreit unto, be sik as trulie professe Christ and his trew religion; and the tenor theirof to be followit out defauldly (faithfully) as the same is laid out in the said proclamation."

"Assembly, October 1581, Sess. 5.

"Act enjoining all persons to subscribe the Confession of Faith.

"For swameikle (forasmuch) as the King's Majesty, with advyse of his counsell hes sett out and proclaimit ane Godlie confessione of Faith, to be embracit be all his trew subjects: and be the same expreslie giving commandment to the ministere to proceed against quhatsumever persons that will not acknawledge and obseryve the same, quherin great negligence has been seen far by the dewty and office of trew pastors; herefoir the kirk and assembly present hes enjoinit and concludit, that all ministers and pastors within their bounds, with all expedient and possible dilgence, execute the tenor of his majesties proclamation betwixt and the next synodal assemblies of every province, and present before the synodal assemblies to the moderator theirof their dutiful diligence in this behalf, to be reported to the next general assemblie of the kirk, under the paine of deprivatione of the saids ministers from the function of the ministrie that beis negligent herein."

From an act passed December 20, 1638, including the space of fiftythree years, it appears that the kirk maintained this offensive warfare against all religious "novations," with more than one generation. It would be too tedious to transcribe the whole. "The assembly ordaineth that all ministers, masters of universities, colleges, and schools, and all others who have not subscribed the said confession and covenant, shall subscribe the same," to be maintained "ad perpetuam rei memoriam."

In 1639, when it appears that the assembly, suspecting that his majestie was rather playing loose with them, presented a petition for the better establishment of the kirk, another act was passed "ordaining the said confession and covenant to be subscribed, in time coming, by all his majestie's subjects of this kingdom, of what rank and quality soever." The assembly not satisfied with having got the parliament to command "all liege subjects" to subscribe it, "in all humility farther supplicated his majesty's high commissioner and the honourable estates of parliament, by their authority to ratify and enjoin the same under all civil pains.'

It must not be forgot that there was more in all this than merely employing the authority of the state to recommend and establish what the triumphant party in religious sentiments held to be the true religion. The tenor theirof," (viz. of his majesty's proclamation published, and confirmed by statute, in 1581, against all refusers) "to be followit out fauldly" (faithfully) was still in force.

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I close my remarks with observing, that they little know of what spirit the church of England is, who impute want of toleration to her. Like every other society, she has always required an assent to

certain tenets from those who wished to be enrolled among her members. But those who chose to stay without, whatever their opinions were, have, with but few exceptions, had but little reason to complain of their condition. It is unfair, moreover, to put the establishment of episcopacy, as maintained by Henry and his successors, into contrast with that of presbyterianism in Scotland. The cases are as far as the poles from each other. In the former, the contest was, in the first instance, between popery and protestantism, and afterwards between a church and no church. In the latter it was between a true and approved church that could be traced up to apostolical times, and one at least upon a principle altogether novel and untried. Situated as the church of England was for ages, often emerging from the troubled waters, in which she had been sunk so long, and beset as she was on all sides with enemies seeking to destroy her, rigorous, even violent measures were not only justifiable on her part, but necessary. If she considered unity of faith essential to the happiness of the people and the welfare of the nation, as it appears the kirk did, she had on this ground alone a sanctioned reason for endeavouring to include all within her pale, which surely the kirk, after the union of the two countries, had no claim to. Her intolerance, in short, had the noble aim of uniting in one religious family those whom nature had enclosed within one shore; whereas, the others made a division between them,-separated those indeed whom it would appear, from their situation to each other, God had joined together. I am, dear Sir, yours sincerely,

R. B.

ECCLESIASTICAL COURTS.

SIR,-Having lately found a recorded copy of the letter of King Henry the Eighth, written in the year 1512, to the Bishops of the several dioceses within the province of Canterbury, as his award in determining the disputes that had arisen between them and the Archbishop of Canterbury relating to their jurisdiction in granting probates, I send you a copy, on the presumption that the perusal of it may be acceptable to many of your readers, and the more especially as extensive reforms are now contemplated in the ecclesiastical jurisdictions. It will be observed that this letter distinctly decides, that the archbishop was entitled to the probate where the person deceased, at the time of his death, had, out of the diocese wherein he dwelt, in one diocese or divers dioceses out of (or not being within) such exempt and peculiar jurisdictions as do not belong to the archbishop or church of Canterbury, goods only, or goods and debts together, to the value of 10%.: but that if the testator had no such goods, or no such goods and debts together, the bishops and their adherents only within their respective dioceses and jurisdiction should have and take the probate of the testament of the testator, and that the Archbishop of Canterbury should in no wise intromit or meddle with the same. It is difficult to

comprehend how the Prerogative Court can, in face of this award, and of the 93d canon of 1603, assume in the present day a power of granting probates whether the deceased had or had not at the time of his death goods, or goods and debts, of the value of 5l. (by the canons of 1603) in some other diocese or peculiar jurisdiction than that wherein he died. Your most obedient servant, A. B.

Copy of a letter from King Henry VIII. to the Bishops of the province of Canterbury, relating to the jurisdiction of the Archbishop and Bishops in granting probates and administrations.

RIGHT Revend Fadres in God, right trusty and right welbeloved, We grete you well. Not doubting but that ye have in yo' good remembrance that where we having knowledge that ther was a plee and processe comenced and hanging in the court of Rome, bytwixt you on the oon party, and the most Reverend Fadre in God, Tharchebisshopp of Canturbury, on the other partie, for the jurisdiction, powere, and auctorite that he pretendeth to have in certayn cases to and for the approbacon of testaments within yo diocises, not oonly to your and his manyfold inquietacons, costes, and troubles, but also in a great party to the manifest division and dissension of the universall church of this our royme, forsomuch as the said mater concerneth and towcheth the same. We seying, and the said Most Reverend Fadre in God bee of our counsayl, and some of you or great officers, considred wele that if the said plee should long hang in the said court of Rome, where bee continually present thoratours of alle princes, it myght by their mysconstrucion, and sinistre reapport for and upon our suffrance in that byhalve somewhat redunde to or dishonour. Seying also, that the great and chargeable businesse and burdeyn of the warre that we (you) and alle other or subjectys now have: and the plee in the said courte mete not, nor stande wele togedyr. For theis consideracions and divers other, which we have shewed to some of you, and to the said most reverend fadre in God in tyme passed: We (as ye wele knowe) by thadvise of our counsale, not oonly comanded and straitly charged you, and the said most revend fadre in God, for a season and tyl tyme more conevent for that mater myght be hadd to suspend and contynue the said plee and processe then hanging in the said courte of Rome: but also comitted the examiacon and heering thereof to certayn of our counseill, to thentent thei shuld endevoir them by wise meanes to induce you and the said most revend fadre in God to some good concord and reasonable agrement. And forasmoch as the said mater hath long hanged byfor our said counsaill, and that they by the same long season make us no reapport of the state and condicion therof, and that ther is yett for the said Probate of Testaments no less discord and debate bytwyxt you and the said most revend fadre in God, than was whan we comitted the said mater to thexaminacon of our said counseyll: for theis causes, and many other to long to be comitted to writing, and specially bycause our holy fadre the pope havying notice that we had taken the said difference into our hands, not oonly greatly praysed the same, but also exhorted us to make a good concord bitwixt you and the said most revend fadre in God; which if we dyd not, but dyd remytt you to the said courte of Rome, shuld sumwhat redounde to of dishonour. And to thentent also that ther may for the season some good ordre be sett and taken bytwixt you and the said most revend fadre in God for the more peasible exercise of the said jurisdicion on both parties tyl bettyr tyme may fortune for the resumyng of the said processe in the said courte, if and whan the case shal so requyre. And upon hoop that at better laiser ye and the said most revend fadre in God by our meanes shal be reduced to some final concord and agrement: We, by thadvice of our counsayl wol and

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