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feeling disgust at those who make great professions about it, and, at the same time, would put it all under their feet, when it

opposes their secular interest. We verily believe, that there are sincere and well-meaning persons who follow the Chris tian religion, and every other religion ; but hypocrisy has, at all times, preponderated in every sect, as a whole. We have witnessed the hypocrisy of Mr. Wilberforce before to-daywe have recorded it before to-day ; but this last act of his, crowns the whole. There is not a question but Castlereagh or Sidmouth, have hired him to help them through this infamous business. Mr. Wilberforce brings forward his motion, and the House, by a great majority, in which are included ali the Ministers, propose to address the Queen, entreating her to give further room for accommodation. Those very fellows who have filled this filthy Green Bag, and have brought this foul charge on the Queen, are now foremost, and audaciously so, to request her Majesty to enable them to withdraw the charge, and remove the lying and foul bag, without exposing its contents.

The following is the address, as presented to her Majesty, by Mr. Wilberforce, Mr Stuart Wortley, Mr. Bankes, and Sir Thomas Acland, as a deputation, from the Commons :

“ Resolved, that this House has learned, with unfeigned and deep regret, that the late endeavours to frame an arrangement which might avert ihe necessity of a public enquiry into the information laid before the two houses of Parliament, have not led to that amicable adjustment of the existing differences in the Royal Family which was so anxiously desired by parliament and the nation.

“ That this house, fully sensible of the objections which the Queen might justly feel to taking upon herself the relinquishment of any points in which she might have conceived her own dignity aud honour to be involved, yet feeling the inestimable importance of an amicable and final adjournment of the present unhappy differences, cannot forbear declaring its opinion, that when such large advances have been made towards that object, her Majesty, by vielding to the earnest solicitude of the House of Commons, and forbearing to press further the adoption of these propositions on which any material difference of opinion yet remains, would by no means be understood to indicate any wish to shrink from inquiry, but would only be deemed to afford a renewed proof of the desire which her Majesty has been graciously pleased to express to submit her own wishes to the authority of Parliament; thereby entitling herself to the grateful acknowledgments of the House of Commons, and sparing this house the painful necessity of those public discussions, which whatever might be

their ultimate result, could not but be distressing to her Majesty's feelings-disappointing to the hopes of Parliament-derogatory from the digoity of the crown, and injurious to the best interests of the empire."

To which the Queen returned the following answer;

“ I am bound to receive with gratitude any attempt on the part of the House of Commons to interpose its high mediation, for the purpose of healing those unhappy differences in the Royal Family, which no person has so much reason to deplore as myself; and with perfect truth I can declare, that an entire reconcilement of those differences effected by the authority of Parliament, on principles consistent with the honour and dignity of all the parties, is still the object dearest to my heart. I cannot refrain froin expressing my deep sense of tbe affectionate language of these resolutions, it sbews the House of Com. mons to be the faithful representative of that generous people, to wboin I owe a debt of gratitude, that can never be repaid. I am sensible too that I expose myself to the risk of displeasing those who may soon be the judges of my conduct, but I trust to their candour, and their sense of honour; confident that they will enter into the feelings which alone influence my determination.

“ It would ill become me to question the power of Parliament, or the mode in which it may, at any time, be exercised; but lowever strongly I may feel the necessity of submitting to its authority, the question, whether I will make myself a party to any ineasure proposed, must be decided by my own feelings and conscience, and by them alone. As a subject of the state I shall bow, with deference, and if possible without a murmur, to every act of the sovereign authority; but as an accused and injured Queen, I owe it to the King, to myself, and to all my fellow subjects, not to consent to the sacrifice of any essential privilege, or withdraw my appeal to those principles of public justice, which are alike the safeguard of ihe highest and the humblest individual."

We cannot fail to admire the answer of the Queen to this address, it must have staggered that hypocrite Wilberforce, and all the ministers. We fancy that we see them now scratching their heads and asking one another what they are to do next? There is no doubt but that before this article is published, the question will be decided whether the Green Bag shall be opened or put into the fire. The Queen, it is evi. dent, is not alarmed at it, for if she had the least inclination to stifie it, she has had the opportunity, and might have got rid of the charge even without disgrace. No, her answer is noble: “ I am charged with an offence, I am prepared to rebut that charge, I throw myself on the justice of the country, and dare my persecutors to substantiate their charge against me." This is the anxious ' moment, what dare the ministers do? We know that they are base and profligate enough for any thing; but the question is now different to many others which they have carried with a high hand. They move in danger, and should they not make good their charges, they must hide their heads, if they keep them on their shoul ders. The King also must be identified as the grand mover in this business, it is impossible that he can exculpate himself from this affair on the ground of the responsibility of his ministers.' We know, that those very ministers, had nearly lost their places but a few weeks since, for refusing to indict the Queen at once. It was evidently, the will and disposition of the King to deprive the Queen of life, that he might have had no obstacle to taking a new and younger wife. His character is the exact resemblance of Harry the Eighth, the difference of his disposition, or its effects, rests only with the difference in public opinion in the sixteenth and nineteenth century.

Will the King go to his coronation amidst the hootings and hissings of the whole metropolis, and a strong guard of bayonets and broad swords to keep the hands of the people from him? It will certainly be a very splendid and honourable ceremony under such circumstances. He may scatter his coronation medals, but he will be under the necessity of hiring a few servile bullies to wave their hats and cheer him, and this will be drowned in the general execration. It is evident, that the country is beginning to sicken at the conduct of royal families, and will very soon derive wisdom from experience. This pending dispute between the King and Queen, as man and wife, will have more tendency to make republicans, than all the republican writings which have appeared, and which the boroughmongers were so much alarmed at. We have now a practical proof of the observation of Paine, when he remarked, how ridiculous it was, that one member of a society should be so far elevated above the rest, as by his misconduct to disturb and render the whole miserable and unhappy. Such lessons are well read, and we sincerely hope that they will be inwardly digested and bring forth good fruit. Ail minor matters, or rather, all major matters, are laid aside, and the Queen occupies general attention. The question for reform, the motion for inquiry into the cause of the Manchester murders, the provision for the representation of Leeds, and the amelioration of our bloody criminal code, are all lost sight of,

and will no doubt stand over for another Session of Parliament. The ministers have got their supply voted, and as soon as they get out of this Green Bag affair, we shall find the parliament prorogued.

Rare times-- The life guards are learning a new exercise, or the means of parrying off“ radical pikes. The foot guards are obliged to move out of London for fear of their joining the people. The London volunteers are all to be called out, just as at the time when Buonaparte's invasion was expected. The King it is said, has had a palace fitted up at Hanover for his reception. God bless him and speed his journey, we could wish him to make such a trip without even sea sickness. The Queen on the other hand, it is said, is determined to stay at home and rule the roast in spite of threats or bribes. We say, God take the King, and God save the Queen from her enemies.

EDITOR.

P.8,- We have just been thinking, that the best way to settle this dispute, will be for the King to sit on the Hanoverian throne, and the Queen on that of Great Britain and Ireland. We will give to the King also all the colonies, and he might in the heighth of his glory and ambition, if he will, take a trip to the East Indies. The Queen has shown much more of the spirit which characterizes the English nation, than the King has ever done. He will be much better adapted for a German climate, whilst Louis the Eighteenth is his neighbour, and in case of danger in Hanover, we could wish him safe out to the East Indies. He might there venture out in the open air in a Palanquin, and a long train of footmen with him: without horse guards, and drawn swords, or a bullet proof coach. He must certainly lead a disagreeable life in England to be always in such fear and turmoils. Besides, in the East Indies, there will be another advantage, he can establish the Mahometan religion, for which he is so much better adapted than for the Christian. . He might then have as many wives as he likes in this world, and ensure, from his rank and services, a satisfactory number of blackeyed and virgin houries in the next.

THE HYPOTHETIC ARITHMETICIAN AND

FINANCIER ; OR, DUTCH GAMBOLS, PERFORMED BY NICHOLAS VANSITTART,

The Chancellor of the Exchequer, after borrowing seventeen millions to carry on the system for another year, has, in the goodness of his heart, promised us that he will not impose any fresh taxes, nor ask another loan during the peace. On the appearance of this statement in the public prints, we imagined, that the honourable gentleman had been consulting with his housemaid on the efficacy of a wet dish cloth to wipe out a few figures, and that rather than continue to be called a rogue for borrowing what he never intended to pay, he had resolved to take the benefit of the Insolvent Debtors Act, and wipe out the old account altogether, and try to open again on new credit and a less perplexed system. But, unfortunately, on looking back a little, we were convinced that the Chancellor's words are like bank-notes--promises to pay, without the power or intention. In 1814, when the gentleman's head was full of Orange Boven and the Park Fetes, we find him talking rather incoherently in the House of Commons, that the sinking fund was then “ sixty millions; in four years it would amount to one hundred and fifty millions, which in forty-five years would redeem the national debt!” Here is a financier for you! Pitt and Fox were fools when compared to this man! Six years have passed since that time, Mr. Vansittart, and how stands your sinking fund? You now say that you have five millions, but by this you are out in your calculation, by the rate of forty to one. Sir Joseph Yorke was lately called to order for saying that he hoped you were laying up a treasure in heaven against the day of tribulation and the ensuing judgment. But Sir Joseph never before nor since spoke so much to the purpose, although it is evident that he has been lately trying to bring the Holy Scriptures into contempt among the honourable members by a profane application of their contents, and jeering the pious Chancellor with Scripture proofs of his want of true piety, honesty, and religion. The name of the sinking fund is still to be kept up, that the Chancellor might perform the pious office of paying a few Scribes and Pharisees to weep over it, and pray its departed remains out of purgatory. Like the

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