stitution for the instruction and improvement of certain Swiss poor, and German princes and nobles, at Hoffwyl in the Canton of Berne.

Having, two years before, invaded, without control or censure, the great establishments in the metropolis in which the sons of the nobility and gentry are educated, they now, though still empowered only to inquire and report on the Education of the Lower Orders,' felt themselves authorized to overhaul the Colleges of Eton and Winchester. Accordingly, the Chairman summoned before him the Provost of Eton, and different gentlemen holding situations at Winchester; he satisfied his curiosity by a minute examination into all particulars relative to the internal economy, government, and expenses of these establishments; he published the Bursar's book, or accompt of all the receipts and disbursements of Eton College for the preceding year, as he had before done those of the Charterhouse; and by the absolute power which, it seems, the Chairman of a Committee of the House of Commons possesses over all his Majesty's subjects, and over every thing held precious and sacred in the kingdom, he compelled them to produce their statutes. Those of Eton he has printed, as well as those of Trinity and St. John's Colleges, Cambridge. This part of his measures, however, we merely name at present, and shall take occasion to revert to it hereafter. The Committee, during this session, though they did not entirely lose sight of the instructions which they received at their appointment, yet devoted the greater part of their time to matters apparently of a very different description. They examined into the circumstances of a select number of endowed schools, of some of which circumstances the Chairman has availed himself in his character of an author, as matter of charge against their trustees or visitors: each of these will come under our review in its order. But the inquiry did not stop here: the Master and two of the Fellows of St. John's College, Cambridge, were minutely examined respecting the exact amount of their several incomes, as well as the number, value, and disposition of livings in their college patronage. This inquiry was necessary, it appears, to the full performance of that duty, which enjoined him to report on the Education of the Lower Orders, and the state of the mendicant children of paupers: and accordingly this examination stands upon record, a rare specimen of propriety and delicacy.

Thus far every thing proceeded smoothly. The Committee indeed was (as is generally understood) but thinly attended. Not more than three out of the forty members of it were, if we are rightly informed, in the habit of lending their assistance to the Hon. Chairman but they lent it so cordially, that every thing appeared to go on according to his wishes. The session and the parliament

itself were drawing to their close, when a Bill was brought into the House for the appointment of a Commission to inquire concerning Charities in England for the Education of the Poor,' which Bill was intended to invest the Honourable Chairman and others of the Committee, along with certain persons recommended by them, with full power to inquire generally into the State of Education;' to examine the abuses, not only of charities relating to education, but of all charities whatever; to demand the production of what papers they chose; and to enforce the answer of whatever questions they might be pleased to put, or to commit to prison on refusal. Here, at length, some disapprobation was expressed: the Ministers, who had all along encouraged the inquiry, as far as its avowed objects were concerned, objected to the provision by which the Commissioners were to be named by parliament, conceiving this nomination to belong to the just and constitutional prerogative of the Crown. Of his disappointment on this head, the writer of the Letter to Sir Samuel Romilly' complains very bitterly. Moreover the Bill, in its progress through the two Houses, had its objects, which seemed before to know no limit, somewhat defined; and the enormous powers of the Commissioners were curtailed. Among the alterations, the learned author most piteously laments that three commissioners are now made requisite to constitute a quorum instead of two; that they are not to have the power of compelling persons to produce deeds and papers, the disclosure of which may be injurious to their own properties; that their inquiries are to be confined to the narrow sphere of charities for education, instead of extending to all charities whatever; and that the Universities of England, the great Schools, and establishments having special visitors, are exempted from their jurisdiction altogether. For the imposition of these restrictions by the legislature, he can find, in candour, no better motive than a wish to destroy the efficacy of any inquiry, and to perpetuate the abuses complained of. The capital grievance, however, yet remains to be told. The Chairman and his Committee had kindly prepared a list of persons proper to be appointed by the Crown as Commissioners under the act; but when the names appeared of those whom the Prince Regent, in execution of his powers, had nominated, behold, the list was not the same! only two of the persons recommended were found therein; and, monstrous to tell, the name of the learned Chairman himself was omitted! On this he could contain himself no longer; and as parliament was not likely to meet for some months, he was under the necessity of relieving himself by a pamphlet, in which all the fury of his indignation is poured forth upon the heads of the Ministers, and of the House of Peers, as conspiring to screen the abuses of charitable funds, and upon certain distinguished individuals,

VOL. XIX. NO. XXXVIII.

K K

dividuals, who are more than insinuated to be participators in the spoliation.

To this Letter to Sir Samuel Romilly' different replies have appeared, the principal of which is in the form of a Letter to Sir William Scott,' written with a knowledge of the legal bearings of the subject evidently superior to those of the first letter-writer, and in a calm, dispassionate, and argumentative tone. Its style we think somewhat languid; but this defect is more than compensated by the force and validity of its reasoning. We shall afford our readers sufficient opportunities of comparing the two productions.

We propose, first, to offer some remarks upon that part of the inquiry, which was clearly marked out by the instructions of the House, the Education of the Lower Orders'; we shall then examine the reasons which induced the learned Chairman of the Committee to consider the Universities, and the first schools in the kingdom, as lying within the scope of the Committee's jurisdiction; and shall finally consider, in order, his various allegations and complaints.

The Minutes of Evidence taken by the Committee in 1816, so far as they relate to the Poor, are interesting and important in the highest degree; and we trust that none of the remarks which may arise upon the subsequent measures of the Chairman, will be considered as detracting the least from the applause to which this part of the investigation is entitled. In the cause of national education we have, from the first, been zealous advocates: on more than one occasion we have stated our reasons for thinking this the first and most essential, though not the only measure, which it is our duty to pursue, for diffusing moral and religious feelings among the lower orders, and ameliorating the general state of our popu lation. The mode in which evidence was sought for upon this subject has been, we think, on the whole judicious; and it will certainly prove a great assistance, not only to parliament, but to the public, in pointing out the safest and most effectual modes of reaching an object, the importance of which seems now to be undisputed. There are a few facts which appear to be so clearly established from the concurrent testimony of all parties, and to supply so much ground for reflection, that though the evidence itself has been above two years in the hands of the public, and though we have, on other occasions, alluded to them, yet, as the subject is now fairly before us, we cannot forbear recalling to them the attention of our readers.

It appeared, from the inquiry in the year 1816, that not less than 120,000 poor children in the metropolis were totally destitute of education. During the two last years, however, much improvement has been made; and the progressively increasing number of the different schools enables us to look forward with confidence to

the

:

the time, when the opportunity of education will be afforded to the whole of its population. But here we have to remark, first, that it is indispensably necessary, that the increase of Sunday-schools should go hand in hand with that of day-schools in order that when the children, who have learned to read and write in the latter, are taken away by their parents for the purpose of making their labour available to their maintenance, they may be secured from the danger of losing the good habits, and the moral and religious principles which they have acquired. The evidence concurs in shewing that the profanation of the Sabbath is the almost universal cause from which profligacy in the lower orders originates: it shews also the attachment of the children to the Sunday-schools, and the great improvement in knowledge, morals, and general character which is almost invariably derived from them. Of the different good habits which the lower orders acquire at these schools, the best is that of attending divine worship; and this habit does not leave them when they cease to be Sunday scholars. But here a most important consideration occurs. The present churches and chapels of the Establishment cannot, without great difficulty, find accommodation for the existing schools (a difficulty which, of course, increases yearly): and they are utterly incapable of containing more than a small part of the same persons, when grown up. The cer tain and inevitable consequence is, that they are driven to attend dissenting chapels, in the erection and maintenance of which no difficulty seems to be found from expense, or from any other obstacle. Unless, therefore, new churches and chapels for the Establishment be erected in the metropolis, and other large places where there is a superabundant population, and upon such a plan as may admit the lower orders to partake suitably in the worship of the Church, it will be impossible that the bulk of our people can be retained in the national religion. A fair prospect of remedying this deficiency is at present held out by the parliamentary grant for assisting in the erection of new churches, and the subscription of individuals for enlarging those which now exist: and we have only to express our earnest hope, first, that no delay may be suffered to intervene in the execution of these purposes; and, secondly, that should the grant and the subscription be found inadequate for the full accomplishment of their ends, neither parliament nor the public will hesitate to enlarge their amount; and that no shortsighted views of economical retrenchment will prevent their discharge of a duty which they owe alike to God and man. That the work should be undertaken now rather than some years hence, seems a matter of incalculable importance. Should it be found necessary, in order to its speedy accomplishment, to increase

KK 2

the

the burdens of posterity, we can only say, that posterity will have. good cause to bless the present generation for its decision. In these remarks we are aware that we are suggesting nothing more than occurs to the minds of all who bestow any reflection upon the subject: but it is our duty to declare, what appears to us the most important corollary, deducible from the whole inquiry.

We must now beg our readers to consider how far the vital interests of the National Society' are involved in the measures suggested by the Committee. We need hardly remind our readers that, when this institution was founded, seven or eight years ago, for educating the poor of the establishment in the principles of the Church of England, it was assailed with something more than their usual asperity, by the writers in a Journal to which we have already alluded as seldom missing an opportunity of decrying or discrediting the frame of our Ecclesiastical Polity. Upon the earliest promoters of that benevolent undertaking, clergymen of high rank, and unimpeachable characters, was heaped every abusive appellation, every sarcastic insinuation, which the storehouse of invective could supply. The terms minions of the church,' 'holy bigots,' and blind zealots of a religious faction,' were unsparingly applied to the institutors of the subscription,-some of the most enlightened men in the kingdom. And what was the crime which called for this * more than common indignation?'-why, their daring to give their own money and to devote their own time and trouble towards ob taining for the children of the lower orders, instruction in reading, in writing, and in the religion of their country. This was the head and front of their offending:' and for this conduct, which was nothing more than their duty as conscientious churchmen, they were assailed with language which it would not be easy to parallel. The fact was, that this institution happened to interfere with a favourite project that had been embraced by those writers with extreme zeal, of educating the whole of the lower orders in a system which excluded all creeds, and gave a preference to no church whatever. But they could not succeed in raising even a temporary outcry against the National Society, or in making it a political question. Churchmen of all parties joined in support of the national schools, and even the dissenters did not complain of the members of the Establishment for adopting a system of education for their poor, while, by the Act of Toleration, they were themselves at full liberty to do the same. Accordingly, the national schools have not only survived the anathemas fulminated against them, but have continued to increase in number and in efficacy, and have proved one of the greatest blessings for which this country has reason to be thankful to Providence. Now, however, after all controversy upon the subject appeared to have ceased, the attack has been renewed by the Chairman