extent of his information, he far excelled Salmafius in the correctness of his judgment, the diftribution of his knowledge, and the more luminous arrangement of his erudition. Grotius was an elegant poet and an enlightened philofopher, as well as a profound fcholar; and the names of these two illuftrious men were in commendation not often disjoined. Selden fpeaks of Grotius, 'as the greateft, the chief of men,' and of Salmafius as most admirable;' to whom he wished much more to be like than to be the most eminent person for riches and honour in the world; and Cardinal Richelieu declared, that Bignonius, Grotius, and Salmafius were the only persons of that age, whom he looked upon as arrived at the highest pitch of learning. The learned Gataker confidered him worthy of the appellation beftowed on Picus Mirandula, The miracle of the age he lived in.'23 Such was the antagonift whom Milton had been commanded to meet. work which the exiled monarch required from the critic was probably fomewhat beyond the circle of his ftudies he wrote alfo on the unpopular fide; and some among his friends neither admired the motive, nor anticipated the fuccess of his undertaking," for Salmafius was himself a Pref Trajectum cineres offaque trifte tenet. Reddita, fit major, doctior effe nequit. The For Letters from Chriftina to Salmafius in the Ottoboni Palace at Rome, fee Keyler's Travels, vol. iii. p. 147. For his alledged intrigues and conduct in Sweden, see Jugleri's Bibl. Hiftor. T. i. p. 351, and fee alfo Recueil de quelques Pieces curieufes de la Reine Chriftine, p. 295, printed at Cologne among the Recueil des Hiftoires Galantes, 12mo. 23 See Answer to Lilie, p. 85. 4to. 24 See Sarravii Epiftolas. p. 224, his love and admiration of Salmafius evince qualities in that great man that commanded esteem. De Salmafio quid dicam? Precipiti Octobri in amplexus ejus ivi. Cum eo vivere amem et obeam libens, vis plura? Si per impoffibile cuiquam byterian, and had written against episcopacy. Hobbes says, he is unable to decide whofe language is beft, or whofe argument worst,' and certainly the question is too mortalium erigantur unquam altaria, mihi, deus, deus ille, de omnigena doctrina, moribufque humaniffimis tibi comperta narrare nihil attinet,' p. 32. See also his 51ft Epistle to Al. More. In his 140th, speaking of the death of Grotius, he fays, 'Utri veftrum debeatur hujus fæculi principatus literarius, decernet ventura ætas!' In the 198th Letter Sarravius first mentions the subject of Salmafius's defence, which he applauds. Laudo animi tui generofum propofitum, quo nefandum fcelus aperte damnare fuftines.' Then he mentions that Bochart intended ' eandem spartam ornare,' but had been diffuaded. In the 208th de tuo pro infelici Rege apologetico folens facis, qui facis, quod libet, et amicorum confilia fpernis.' In the 214th he has seen his work 'Omnino magnus eft ifte tuus labor, et iftam materiam profunde meditatus es.' In the 216th he fays, Tuam defenfionem quod fpectat dolendum effet in ipfis nafcendi primordiis interire.' In the 222nd he speaks of the fifth edition of Salmafius's work in the 223d he complains that a copy had not been fent to Charles's widow. Quamvis enim fit in re minime lauta, tamen potuiffe folvere pretium tabellarii, qui illud attuliffet.' The 228th is the letter fo often quoted, beginning Te ergo habemus reum fatentem.' Sarravius differed from him in his defence of Epifcopacy. July 1648 he tells him 'vos amis se plaignent que vous ne factes rien de ce dont ils vous prient, et que vos ennemis au contraire ont l'avantage de vous faire écrire de ce qu'il leur plait :' from a careful perufal of the correspondence connected with this fubject, I am convinced that the effect faid to be produced by Milton's defence on Salmafius, and on his reputation has been prodigiously overrated. Salmafius feems at that time to have been as much interested about other works which he had in hand, and especially about conducting safely and commodiously his journey to Sweden, and preserving his health in that cold climate. It must also be observed that whatever More's moral character was, he stood in high esteem and reputation in the learned world, and that Milton's attack therefore affected him deeply. See Tan. Fabri. Epiftol. lxvi. lib. i. ed. 1674, p. 219. A full and impartial account of him may be read in Bayle's Dict. Art. 'Morus.' Arch. Blackburne calls More the Atterbury, or rather the Dodd of his age. v. Mem. of Hollis, p. 522. On A. More, see Alberti Oratio de Poefi Theologis utili, p. 404. Quis Bezam,' &c. v. Opufcula de Ratione Studiorum. 8vo. See a Note by Prof. Wyttenbach on A. More, and in Plutarch's Moralia. T. i. p. 415. 25 often loft fight of in difcuffing the niceties of verbal conftruction, or in perfonal altercation; nor is the argument difpofed with the calm and comprehenfive views of the statesman and philofopher. That Milton's fame, however, was widely and honourably extended by this performance, no doubt can be entertained, it was In Liberty's defence, a noble task, Of which all Europe rang from fide to fide: but that Salmafius fuffered difgrace at the court of Chriftina; that he was difmiffed with contempt, or confidered as defeated with dishonour, rests upon no valid authority. Milton in his fecond defence expressly allowed, that the queen, attentive to the dignity of her station, let the stranger experience no diminution of her former kindness, or munificence. The health of that illustrious scholar had long been languishing under his unremitted labours. He was afflicted with gout if not with stone, and he went to seek relief from the mineral waters of Spa (which he was fupposed to have drunk improperly), where he died. The queen had offered him large appointments to remain in 25 On Milton's Latinity, fee Morhof's Polybift. T. i. p. 301-2. It was faid that Salmafius ftole from Schickard's Juf. Hebr. Reg. See Morhof, vol. ii. p. 562. See Jugleri in his Bibliotheca Hiftorica, vol. i. p. 632, who intended to give an historical and literary criticism on this controverfy. Salmafio,' fays Morhof, nonnunquam coλoxa excuderunt.' See vol. i. p. 280 and 828. 26 Other scholars were attracted to the court of Sweden by the promifes held out by Christina, and by her character, but few could bear the severity of the climate. Defcartes died from its effects. G. Naudè alfo went, but returned from the fame caufe. See Œuvres de Boileau, vol. iii. p. 417, note. Grotius alfo was in Sweden. Frenfhemius was attracted to Stockholm. See Jugleri's B. Hift. vol. iii. p. 2058. Meibomius alfo was there. See Chamfort's Euvres, vol. ii. p. 238. On Christina's caprices shown to Descartes. See Mad. Motteville's Memoires, vol. i. p. 378. "He had a penfion of 40,000 livres from Sweden. It may aftonish some of my readers to know that Salmafius was a republican, Placebat Sweden, and greatly regretted his departure; but the coldness of the climate was injurious to him: and after his death, fhe wrote a letter full of concern for his lofs, and respect for his memory; the flander first thrown out in the Mercurius Politicus, and fo frequently repeated, ought no longer to be believed. Salmafius went full of years, and honours to his grave.99 28 The purpose of Salmafius was to fupport the doctrine Salmafio refpublica.' He was invited by the University of Oxford to fettle there on very handsome terms: and' fays his biographer, he would have gone nifi aliquid ab eo petiiffent, quamvis beatiffima conditione, quod cum ad nationis utilitatem fpectaret, non erat tamen ad genium ipfius; but fo far was Salmafius, as all Milton's biographers affert, from being a flavish admirer of kings or regal governments, that 'Bataviam hâc in parte præ Angliâ preferebat quod majorem femper in refpublica quam in regno libertatem effe judicaret.' v. Vit. Salmaf. p. xvi. It was not folely on account of his fuperior learning that Salmafius was felected by the adherents of Charles, but that fome of his previous writings on matters connected with the church and the sects, had produced much effect in England. Differtatio de epifcopis et prefbyteris multum juverat optime fentientes (in Britanniâ) in abrogando jure Epifcoporum, quod multi ex proceribus, et viris primariis ultro cum gratiarum actione testati funt:' and it appears that he was in the habit of being confulted on ecclefiaftical affairs by the perfons of rank and influence in England, 'Confilium Salmafii fæpius per deputationes implorarunt regni proceres.' 28 Mercurius Politicus of Marchmont Needham, Milton's friend, commenced June 9, 1649, ended April 1660. 29 It is curious to read the account of this controverfy in the Abbé D'Artigny's Memoires de Literature, &c. 1749. T. ii. p. 173, where he fays, The difpute of Salmafius was referved for a writer far below him and unknown in the Republic of Letters:' he had the portion of them, who efcaping great dangers, at laft perifhed of the blow of fome cowardly raw recruit. The Frenchman seems to think that Milton's attack, joined to his wife's ill-humour affected the old fcholar grievously; but fee D'Olivet, Hift. de l'Académie Francaife. T. ii. p. 377, which is decifive. 30 Dr. Symmons has allowed the skill and eloquence displayed in the work of Salmafius, vide Life, p. 356, and has shown how much Burke was indebted to it. In that ftrange rambling work, T. Hollis's Memoirs, there is an engraving by Cipriani, reprefenting Milton's head on of the divine rights of kings: to prove that the king is a person with whom the fupreme power of the kingdom refides, and who is answerable to God alone. Milton afferted the undisputed fovereignty of the people. This he terms agreeable to the laws of God, and of nature. That by the laws of God, by thofe of nations, and by the municipal laws of our own country, a king of England may be brought to trial and to death; that the laws of God do in this exactly agree with the laws of nature: and that this is a fettled maxim of the law of nature never to be fhaken, that the fenate and the people are fuperior to kings; and that, if asked by what law, by what right or justice, the king was dethroned, the answer is, by that law which God and nature have created; that whatever things are for the univerfal good of the whole ftate, are for that reason lawful and just; and that a people obliged by an oath, is discharged of that obligation, when a lawful prince becomes a tyrant, or gives himself over to floth and voluptuoufnefs. The rule of juftice, the very law of nature dispenses with such a people's allegiance. That thefe doctrines have been always acknowledged by the common consent of mankind, he endeavours to prove from the hiftory of ancient nations. Thus the kings of the Jews were subject to the very fame laws as the people. He traces a fimilar belief through Egypt and Perfia, through the Grecian history, and the annals of the Roman empire. alleges the authority of the ancient Scriptures, the gospel, and the fathers. He then finds his doctrine supported by the ufage and conftitution of our government from the period of the British history, through the Saxon and Nor He a terminus, on which is a medallion fufpended inclofing the portrait of Salmafius; this was a print emblematical of Milton's victory, v. p. 383, See Spanheim's Char. of Salmafius in Mifcellanea Leibnitziana, p. 100; alfo Hacket's Life of Williams, p. 14. 30. |