more popular elements of the constitution. The great nobles were too powerful. A Parliament, without adequate representation of the people, and uncontrolled by public opinion, was generally subservient to ministers: but with all its defects, it was still a popular institution. If not freely elected by the people, it was yet composed of men belonging to various classes of society, and sharing their interests and feelings. The statesmen, who were able by their talents and influence to command its confidence, became the ministers of the crown; and power thus proceeded from below, instead of from above. The country was governed by its ablest men, and not by favourites of the court. The proper authority of Parliament was recognised; and nothing was wanting in the theory of constitutional government, but an improved constitution of Parliament itself. This system, however, the king was determined to subvert. He was jealous of ministers who derived their authority from Parliament rather than from himself, and of the parliamentary organisation which controlled his power. The policy which he adopted, and its results, are among the most critical events in the history of the crown. terest general The dissolution of Parliament, shortly after his ac- King's incession, afforded an opportunity of strengthening the strengthparliamentary connexion of the king's friends. Parlia- ened at the ment was kept sitting while the king and Lord Bute election. were making out lists of the court candidates, and using every exertion to secure their return. The king not only wrested government boroughs from the ministers, in order to nominate his own friends, but even encouraged opposition to such ministers as he conceived not to be in his interest.1 The Duke of Newcastle thus wrote at this time to Lord Rock ingham:-"My Lord Anson has Measures taken to . break up try. At the meeting at the cockpit, the night before the assembling of the new Parliament, to hear the king's speech read, and to agree upon the choice of a speaker, not only the Whigs and parliamentary supporters of the government attended; but also the old Tories, in a strong body, though without any invitation from ministers.1 The speaker selected by Lord Bute was Sir John Cust, a country gentleman and a Tory. Lord Bute, the originator of the new policy, was not personally well qualified for its successful promothe minis- tion. He was not connected with the great families who had acquired a preponderance of political influence he was no parliamentary debater: his manners were unpopular: he was a courtier rather than a politician: his intimate relations with the Princess of Wales were an object of scandal; and, above all, he was a Scotchman. The jealousy of foreigners, which had shown itself in hatred of the Hanoverians, was now transferred to the Scottish nation, whose connexion with the late civil war had exposed them to popular obloquy. The scheme was such as naturally occurred to a favourite; but it required more than the talents of a favourite to accomplish. While only in the king's household, his influence was regarded with jealousy : remarks were already made upon the unlucky circumstance of his being a "Scot; " and popular prejudices were aroused against him, before he was ostensibly concerned in public affairs. Immediately after the king's accession, he had been made a privy councillor, and to declare to the docks (at Ports- that he had disposed of the Admiralty boroughs without acquainting the king. Dodington's Diary, 433; Rockingham Mem., i. 61–64. 1 Rockingham Mem., i. 68; Dodington's Diary, 433. admitted into the cabinet. An arrangement was soon afterwards concerted, by which Lord Holdernesse retired from office with a pension, and Lord Bute suc- March ceeded him as secretary of state. It was now the object of the court to break up the existing ministry, and to replace it with another, formed from among the king's friends. Had the ministry been united, and had the chiefs reposed confidence in one another, it would have been difficult to overthrow them. But there were already jealousies amongst them, which the court lost no opportunity of fomenting.1 A breach soon arose between Mr. Pitt, the most powerful and popular of the ministers, and his colleagues. He desired to strike a sudden blow against Spain, which had concluded a secret treaty of alliance with France, then at war with this country. Though war minister, he was opposed by all his colleagues except Lord Temple. He bore himself haughtily at the council, -declaring that he had been called to the ministry by the voice of the people, and that he could not be responsible for measures which he was no longer allowed to guide. Being met with equal loftiness in the cabinet, he was forced to tender his resignation.3 1 Lord Hardwicke said, "He (Lord Bute) principally availed himself with great art and finesse of the dissensions between the Duke of Newcastle and Mr. Pitt: he played off one against the other till he got rid of the popular minister, and when that was compassed, he strengthened himself in the cabinet, by bringing in Lord Egremont and Mr. Grenville, and never left intriguing till he had rendered it impracticable for the old duke to continue in office with credit and honour."-Rockingham Mem., i. 6. See the Duke's own letters, ib., 102-109. Gren 2 Grenville Papers. i. 386. 25th, 1761. Pension to Influence of Lord Bute. The king overpowered the retiring minister with kindness and condescension. He offered the barony of Chatham to his wife, and to himself an annuity of 3,000l. a year for three lives. The minister had deserved these royal favours, and he accepted them, but at the cost of his popularity. It was an artful stroke of policy, thus at once to conciliate and weaken the popular statesman, whose opposition was to be dreaded, -and it succeeded. The same Gazette which announced his resignation, also trumpeted forth the peerage and the pension, and was the signal for clamours against the public favourite. On the retirement of Mr. Pitt, Lord Bute became the most influential of the ministers. He undertook the chief management of public affairs in the cabinet, and the sole direction of the House of Lords.2 He consulted none of his colleagues, except Lord Egremont and Mr. George Grenville. His ascendency provoked the jealousy and resentment of the king's veteran minister, the Duke of Newcastle. For years he had distributed all the patronage of the crown, but it was now wrested from his hands, nor was he consulted as to its disposal. The king himself created seven peers, without even acquainting him with their creation.1 Lord Bute gave away places and pensions to his own friends, and paid no attention to the recommendations of the duke. At length, in May 1762, his grace, after frequent disagreements in the cabinet, and numerous affronts, was obliged to resign.5 1 Mr. Pitt said, "I confess, Sir, I had but too much reason to expect your Majesty's displeasure. I did not come prepared for this exceeding goodness. Pardon me, Sir, it overpowers, it oppresses me," and burst into tears.-Ann. Reg.; Grenville Papers, i. 413. 2 Rockingham Mem., i. 54, 86, 101 (Letters of the Duke of Newcastle). 3 Ibid., 104. 4 Walpole Mem., i. 156. 5 The personal demeanour of the king towards him evinced the feeling with which he had long been as premier, And now, the object of the court being at length Lord Bute attained, Lord Bute was immediately placed at the 1762. head of affairs, as First Lord of the Treasury. Rapid had been the rise of the king's favourite. In thirteen months he had been groom of the stole, a privy councillor, ranger of Richmond Park, secretary of state, and premier1; and these favours were soon followed by his installation as a Knight of the Garter, at the same time as the king's own brother, Prince William. His sudden elevation resembled that of an eastern vizier, rather than the toilsome ascent of a British statesman. But the confidence of his royal master served to aggravate the jealousies by which the new minister was surrounded, to widen the breach between himself and the leaders of the Whig party, and to afford occasion for popular reproaches. It has been insinuated that he was urged forward by secret enemies, in order to insure his speedier fall2; and it is certain that, had he been contented with a less prominent place, the consummation of his peculiar policy could have been more securely, and perhaps more successfully, accomplished. Arbitrary the king conduct of The king and his minister were resolved to carry matters with a high hand3; and their arbitrary at tempts to coerce and intimidate opponents disclosed their imperious views of prerogative. Preliminaries of ter. regarded. The duke complained of it in this manner: "The king did not drop one word of concern at my leaving him, nor even made me a polite compliment, after near fifty years' service and devotion to the interests of his royal family. I will say nothing more of myself, but that I believe never any man was so dismissed."-Letter to Lord Rockingham, May 19th, Rockingham Mem., i. 111. Yet Lord Bute, in a letter to Mr. Grenville, May 25th, 1762, says, "The king's conduct to the duke of Newcastle to-day 1 His countess also received an 2 Walpole Mem., i. 44. 3 «The king, it was given out, and the new minis |