If that thou be'st a devil I cannot kill thee. [OTHELLO wounds IAGO. a Fall'n in the practice of a damned* slave, Отн. Why, any thing: LOD. O, thou Othello, that wert* once so good, Did you and he consent in Cassio's death? (*) First folio, was. -practice-] Machination, stratagem. (*) First folio, cursed. (t) First folio, I did. Отн. Ау. CAS. Dear general, I never gave you cause. From this time forth I never will speak word. Torments will ope your lips. Which, as I think, you know not. Here is a letter, Отн. О, villain! CAS. Most heathenish and most gross! LOD. Now here's another discontented paper, Found in his pocket too; and this, it seems, Roderigo meant to have sent this damned villain; But that, belike, Iago in the interim Came in and satisfied him. Отн. O, thou pernicious caitiff!How came you, Cassio, by that handkerchief That was my wife's? CAS. I found it in my chamber; And he himself confess'd but even now, That there he dropp'd it for a special purpose, Which wrought to his desire. Отн. O, fool! fool! fool! CAS. There is besides, in Roderigo's letter,How he upbraids Iago, that he made him Brave me upon the watch; whereon it came That I was cast: and even but now he spake, After long seeming dead,-Iago hurt him, Iago set him on. LOD. You must forsake this room, and go us; with Your power and your command is taken off, And Cassio rules in Cyprus. For this slave,If there be any cunning cruelty, (*) First folio inserts, it. That can torment him much and hold him long, Oтн. Soft you! a word or two before you go. I have done the state some service,(1) and they know 't ; No more of that.-I pray you, in your letters, Of one, that lov'd not wisely, but too well; Albeit unused to the melting mood, Their med'cinable gum. Set you down this; [Stabs himself. LOD. O, bloody period! GRA. All that is spoke is marr'd. OTH. I kiss'd thee ere I kill'd thee;-no way but this, [Falling upon DESDEMONA. Killing myself, to die upon a kiss. [Dies. CAS. This did I fear, but thought he had no weapon; For he was great of heart. LOD. [To IAGO.] O, Spartan dog, More fell than anguish, hunger, or the sea! Look on the tragic loading of this bed; This is thy work:-the object poisons sight;Let it be hid.-Gratiano, keep the house, And seize upon the fortunes of the Moor, For they succeed on you.-To you, lord governor, Remains the censure of this hellish villain; The time, the place, the torture;-0, enforce it! Myself will straight aboard; and, to the state, This heavy act with heavy heart relate. [Exeunt. ILLUSTRATIVE COMMENTS. ACT I. (1) SCENE I.-Lead to the Sagittary.] By the Sagittary, Mr. Knight says, was meant the "residence at the arsenal of the commanding officers of the navy and army of the republic. The figure of an archer with his drawn bow, over the gates, still indicates the place." Others, however, conceive lago to mean only some house of resort which bore this sign. In Lydgate's Auncient Historie, &c. 1555, quoted by Steevens, is found a very circumstantial description of the Sagittary: "And with hym Guydo sayth that he hadde Of fourme and shap in maner monstruous: (2) SCENE II.-I'll have't disputed on.] This is an allusion to the manner in which causes were debated by the judges according to the custom of Venice formerly, and it affords one of many proofs that before writing "Othello," Shakespeare had attentively perused Lewkenor's translation of "The Commonwealth and Government of Venice, written by the Cardinall Gasper Contareno," &c. 1599. From this work he obtained his information concerning those "officers of night" whom Brabantio directs to be summoned; his knowledge of the Arsenal; as well as several particular expressions, such as Mine eares enclined; doe their countrie service; experience the mistresse of all things; serve the turne; their countrie customs; and others which he has modified and transplanted into the piece. The following is Contareno's account of the way criminal questions were disputed on before judgment could be obtained, in the ancient legal courts of Venice : "The Councell being assembled, the Advocator plaieth the parte of a bitter accuser, strayning the uttermost invention of his wittes against the offender, first obiecting unto him the offence, confirming the same with witnesses, and then strengthening his obiection with probabilities ments. and likelihoodes of coniecture: having ended his speech, the advocate of the offender pleadeth in the Clyentes behalfe After which if any of the Advocators will speake afresh, before the Iudges give sentence, he hath libertie so to do likewise the Lawyers of the defendant have leave to aunswere and to confute, if they can, the opposed arguAnd so of eyther side the cause is debated and tossed to and fro, till eyther the offender or the Advocator whose turne it is to speake, doth declare that he hath no more to say, which done, the offender and his advocates are commanded out of the Court, and the Advocators are shutte into a roome apart with the Iudges and their Secretaries, not any one else being suffred to be there. The Advocators first doe make a motion unto the Iudges of punishing the offender, demaunding their opinions whether they thinke him worthy of punishment or no, not naming or appointing any one certayne kinde of punishment, which custome was (in a manner) observed by the Athenians for in Athens the Iudges gave two sentences, in the first eyther condemning or absolving the prisoner. If in the first hee were condemned, then was the manner of his punishment determined of in the second, as out of Platoes Apologie of Socrates may plainly bee perceived, the very like order of iudgement is that in manner which we do use: first (as I say) the Advocators make a motion unto the Iudges of punishing the offender. Then the Iudges go unto their suffrages, for by suffrages among the Venetians all things are determined. Three pots are brought forth, by the one of which the offender is condemned: by the other he is absolved in maner without any correction, & by the third are known the opinion of those, which doe seeme yet to doubt whether course is to be taken: the first of condemnation is white, the second of absolution greene, the third of doubtfulnes redde. Every of the Iudges, whether the cause be disputed of by the forty (as usually it is) or els that the senate be consulted with (which seldome happeneth) & that only in great and waighty causes, or whether it be by the Advocators reported over to the great councell, which is most seldome, and never but in matters exceedingly enormous, to the ende to have his suffrage undiscerned, letteth fall into whether of these three pots he pleaseth a little linnen ball: which being done, the presidents of the councell doe number the balles, and if more then the half be in favour of the prisoners liberty, he is presently pronounced free, and the request of the Advocators reiected. But if more then the half of those bals, be found in the pot of condemnation, he is presently condemned if neither of both exceede the half, but that the greater part of the Iudges put their suffrages into the pot of doubtfulnes: then his cause is deferred over til another day, & to the better discussion of the Iudges." (3) SCENE III.— Valiant Othello, we must straight employ you Against the general enemy Ottoman.] 66 The circumstances originating the siege of Nicosia, "the chief and richest citie of all the Island," and the ultimate conquest of Cyprus by the Turks (for there was no segregation of the Turkish fleet" as the play supposes) are thus related by Knolles in his Historie of the Turkes: "Selymus (the second) now at peace with all the world (a thing of the Turkes not much desired) began to thinke of workes of charitie: and proposing to build a magnificent temple at Hadrianople for his owne sepulture, with a monasterie, a colledge, and an almeshouse (as had his father, and other his ancestors before him at Prusa and Constantinople, led thereunto with a vaine and superstitious devotion) was troubled with nothing more, than how to endue the same with lands and revenues sufficient for the maintenance of so great a charge: For that the Mahometan kings, are by their superstition prohibited to convert any lands or possessions to such holy uses, other than such as they have with their own sword woon from the enemies of their religion, which they may (as they are persuaded) as a most acceptable sacrifice, offer to their great prophet: which devillish persuasion, serveth as a spurre to pricke forward every of those ambitious princes to adde something to their empire. This his devout purpose once knowne, wanted not the furtherance of many ripe heads, devising some one thing, some another, as they thought best fitted his humour. But amongst many things to him presented, none pleased him so well, as the plot laid for the taking of the rich island of Cyprus from the Venetians: a conquest of itselfe sufficient, both for the eternizing of his name, and performance of his owne charitable works intended; with a large overplus, for the supplying of whatsoever wanted in his fathers like devout works at Constantinople. But that which moved him most of all, was the glorie of such a conquest, which as his flaterers bare lim in hand, might make him equall with any his predecessors; who in the beginning of their raign, had usually done or attempted some notable thing against the Christians. Selymus presently commanded preparation to be made both by sea and land, for the performance of his resolution. Which was not so covertly carried in the Turkes court, but that it was discovered by M. Antonius Barbaras the Venetian embassadour; and not without cause suspected by the Venetian merchants, whom the barbarous Turks began now to cut short in their trafficke, looking big upon them, as men suddenly changed, and evill entreating them with hard speeches, the undoubted signes of greater troubles to ensue. These things and such like as were then done at Constantinople, being by letters sent in post from the embassadour, made knowne at Venice, brought a generall heavinesse upon the citie: for why that understanding and provident state, warned by their former harmes, of all others most dread the Turks forces. "In the meane time the Senatours sitting oftentimes in counsell, were divided in opinions concerning the chief matter they consulted upon: some there were, that thought it not good to wage warre against such an invincible enemy, nor to trust upon a vaine and idle hope, neither to commit all unto the hazard of such fortune as was unto them in that warre by the enemie propounded: they alleadged that it were better to depart with Cyprus, so that they might quietly enjoy the rest, rather than to enter into armes. Others were of a contrary opinion, as that the island was by force of armes to be defended: saying that nothing could be more dishonourable, than without fight to depart with so notable a part of their Seigniorie; neither anything more commendable, than to prove all things for defence of their honour: neither would the proud Turks with whom no assured league could bee made (as they said) hold themselves content with this yeelding up of the island, by intreating of them and giving them way, become more insolent: and when they had taken Cyprus from them, would also seeke after Creete and Corcyra, & so yeelding them one thing after another, spoile themselves of all together. The matter thus debated to an fro, it was in the end resolved upon, to take up armes in defence of their honour, and by plaine force to withstand the Turke. "The greater the danger was now feared from the angrie Turke, the more carefull were the Venetians of their state. Wherefore they forthwith sent messengers with letters unto the Governours of Cyprus, charging them with all carefulness and diligence to make themsolves readie to withstand the Turke, and to raise what power they were able in the island, not omitting any thing that might concern the good of the state: and at the same time made choice of their most valiant and expert captains both by sea and land, unto whom they committed the defence of their dispersed Seigniorie, with the leading of their forces. "Selymus thoroughly furnished with all things necessary for the invasion of Cyprus, in the beginning of Februarie sent a great power both of horse and foot into Epyrus to forage the Venetian territorie. About the middle of Aprill following he sent Piall Bassa with four score gallies, and thirtie galliots to keep the Venetians from sending aid into Cyprus. He tooke his course to Zenos, an island of the Venetians, to have taken it from them. Piall here landing his forces, sought both by faire means & foule to have persuaded the inhabitants to have yeelded up their towne; but when he could get nothing of them but foule words againe, he began by force to assault the same. Two daies the towne was valiantly both assaulted and defended, but at length the Turks perceiving how little they prevailed, and that the defendants were resolutely set downe for the defence of themselves and their countrie; shamefully gave over the assault, and abandoning the island directed their course towards Cyprus. For Mustapha, author of that expedition, had before appointed Piall Bassa at a time prefixed, to meet him at the Rhodes, and that he that came first should tarrie for the other, that 8o they might together saile into Cyprus. "All being now in readinesse, and a most royal gallie of wonderful greatness & beautie by the appointment of Selymus prepared for the great Bassa the Generall: he together with Haly Bassa and the rest of the fleet, departed from Constantinople, the six and twentieth of May, and at the Rhodes met with Piall as he had before appointed. The whole fleet at that time consisted of two hundred galleys, amongst whom were diverse galliots, and small men of warre with diverse other vessels prepared for the transportation of horses: with this fleet Mustapha kept on his course for Cyprus. They of the island in the meane time carefully attending the enemies comming from their watch towers first discovered their fleet at the west end of the island not far from Paphos from whence the Turks turning upon the right hand, and passing the promontorie Curio, now called Del Le Gate, landed diverse of their men, who burnt and spoiled certaine villages, and with such spoile and prisoners as they had taken returned againe unto the fleet: which holding on their former course came at length to a place called Salina (of the abundance of salt there made) where they knew was best landing and there in an open road came to an anchor, where the Bassaes without any resistance upon a plaine shoare landed their armie." (4) SCENE III. The Anthropophagi, and men whose heads In this passage the poet had probably in his mind the marvellous account which Raleigh has given in his Discoverie of Guiana, 1596, of the Amazons, the cannibals, and the "Nation of people, whose heads appear not above their shoulders:" or was thinking of Pliny's description of the "Anthropophagi": "Above those are other Scythians called Anthropophagi, where is a country named Abarimon, within a certain vale of the mountain Imans, wherein are found savage and wild men, living and conversing usually among the brute beasts, who have their feet growing backward, and turned behind the calves of their legs, howbeit they run most swiftly. The former Anthropophagi or eaters of mans flesh whom we have placed above the north pole, tenne daies journey by land above the river Borysthenes, used to drinke out of the sculs of mens heads, and to weare the scalpes, haire and all, in steed of mandellions or stomachers before their breasts. . . . Beyond the Sciopodes westward, some there be without heads standing upon their neckes who carrie eies in their shoulders."- PLINIE'S Natural Historie. Book vii. ch. 2. (5) SCENE III.-The food that to him now is as luscious as locusts, shall be to him shortly as bitter as coloquintida.] It is a question not easily settled whether by "locusts" Shakespeare referred to the insect, which is said to be considered a great delicacy at Tonquin, or to the fruit of the locust-tree: "That viscous substance which the pod of the locust contains, is perhaps, of all others, the most luscious. From its likeness to honey, in consistency and flavour, the locust is called the honey-tree also."-HENLEY. Coloquintida, says Parkinson in his Theatre of Plants, "runneth with his branches upon the ground as a gourd or cowcumber doth. The fruit is small and round as a ball, green at the first on the outside, and afterwards growing to be of a browne yellow, which shell is as hard as a pompion or gourde; and is usually pared away while it is greene, the substance under it being white, very light, spongie or loose, and of an extreame bitter taste, almost indurable, and provoking loathing or casting in many that taste it."-PARKINSON'S Theatre of Plants, Tribe II. ch. 3. Peachem in his Complete Gentleman, 1622, p. 193, has a section entitled "Drinking the Plague of our English Gentry," in which he remarks :-"Within these fiftie or three-score yeares it was a rare thing with us to see a drunken man, our nation carrying the name of the most sober and temperate of any other in the world. But since we had to doe in the quarrell of the Netherlands, about the time of Sir John Norris his first being there, the custom of drinking and pledging healthes was brought over into England; wherein let the Dutch be their own judges, if we equall them not; yea I think rather excell them." To the same effect, Heywood, in the "Philocothonista, or the Drunkard opened, dissected, and anatomized," 4to. London, 1635, tells us that-"There is now profest an eighth liberal art of science called Ars Bibendi, i.e. the Art of Drinking. The students or professors thereof call a greene garland or painted hoope hang'd out a College: a signe where there is lodging, man's meate, and horse meate, an Inne of Courte, an Hall or an Hostle: where nothing is sold but ale and tobacco, a Grammar Schoole; a red or blew lattice (the usual designation of an ale-house) that they terme a Free Schoole for all comers. The bookes which they study and whose leaves they do often turne over are for the most part three of the old translation and three of the new. Those of the old translation:-1. The tankard: 2. the blacke Jacke: 3. the quart pot rib'd, or i thorendell. Those of the new be these: 1. the je 2. the beaker: 3. the double or single can or black pot," &c. See also Nash's Pierce Pennilesse (1592), on De Art Bibendi; Barnaby Rich's Irish Hubbub, 1618; and Harington's Nuga Antiquiæ, I. p. 348. (2) SCENE III.— Then take thine auld cloak about thee.] The ballad whence the stanzas sung by Iago are taken i printed as follows in Capell's School of Shakespeare; it will be found also in Percy's Reliques of Ancient Poetry. "TAKE THY OLD CLOAK ABOUT THEE. "This winters weather waxeth cold And frost doth freese on everie hill, And Boreas blowes his blasts soe bold, That all our cattell are like to spill; Bell, my wife, who loves no strife, She sayd unto me quietlie, Rise up, and save cow Crumbockes life, Man, put thine old cloak about thee. НЕ. "O Bell, why dost thou flyte and scorne? Thou kenst my cloak is very thin; It is soe bare and overworne, A cricke he theron cannot renn: Then Ile noe longer borrowe nor lend, For once Ile new appareld bee, To-morrow Ile to towne and spend, For Ile have a new cloake about mee. SHE. "Cow Crumbocke is a very good cowe, I wold be loth to see her pine, Then take thine old cloake about thee. HE. "My cloake it was a very good cloake, Itt hath been alwayes true to the weare, But now it is not worth a groat; I have had it four-and-forty yeare. Spill. To spoil; to come to harm. |