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staple right;" stop the vessels of private traders; gain Ch. XVI. possession of Fort Orange; grant licenses to private per

1653. sons to sail to the coast of Florida ; and with having forbidden their colonists to remove within the company's jurisdiction, furnish wood for Fort Orange, pay the debts they owed the people at that post, or appeal from the judgments of the colonial court, as the "Exemptions" had provided. They had refused to allow extracts from their records, or the publication of the directors' proclamations; had neg. lected to make the required annual reports; and had incited their colonists and officers not to obey the legal process of the provincial government. Moreover, the oath which their colonists were compelled to take recognized neither the States General nor the company, and was therefore "seditious and mutinous." A rejoinder was soon presented 20 Feb. on behalf of the proprietors; but some of the copartners 19 Juna. beginning to quarrel among themselves, no definite action upon the points in dispute with the company seems to have been taken by the States General. In writing to Stuyve- 6. June . sant, the Amsterdam Chamber now suggested whether, for tradingprotection against the Mohawks and to facilitate the fur above For trade with the Canadian Indians, it would not be expedient to build a trading - house, eighteen or twenty miles above Fort Orange.*

Hostilities had, meanwhile, been renewed between the The Mo Iroquois and the French. The Mohawks, supplied with the French. fire-arms by the Dutch, invaded the Huron country soon after the death of Father Jogues, and attacked the Jesuit 1648. missions. The village of Saint Joseph was destroyed, and Father Daniel, murmuring the name of Jesus, perished in the midst of his converts. Brebeuf and Lallemant were captured at Saint Louis, and burned at the stake with 1649. horrid torture, Garnier was beheaded near Saint John's, and Chabanel was lost in the forest. The Huron missions were broken up, and the desolated country became a hunt. ing-ground of the Iroquois. War parties of the Mohawks

Orange.

hawks and

4 July

* Alb. Rec., iv., 98; vilj., 59-63, 215-221; Hol. Doc., vi., 303-306 ; vii., 1-27, 48-51; O'Call., ii., 206-210.

20 June.

16 Sept.

Poncet.

8 Sept.

20 Sept.

CH. XVI. hovered along the Saint Lawrence, and scornfully passed

before the walls of Quebec. In vain did the governor of 1651.

Canada call on New England for aid. The Puritan felt unable to help the Papist ; and the commissioners of the United Colonies, alleging that the Mohawks were "neither in subjection to, nor in any confederation with” them

selves, turned a deaf ear to the appeal. 1653. The Onondagas declared for peace, but the Mohawks Mathemust. continued warlike. Father Joseph Poncet was seized at

Three Rivers, and hurried off through the Richelieu River and Lake Champlain to the Mohawk castles. The prisoner was doomed to torture; but his life was saved by adoption into the family of an old member of the tribe. A few days afterward, word came that peace was about being concluded with De Lauzon, the governor of Canada, who had required the restoration of “the black gown" as a preliminary condition; and Poncet was conveyed to Fort Orange, to be clothed and healed. Notwithstanding De Lauzon's letters of recommendation, he was coldly received by Dyckman, the commissary. But “a worthy old Walloon” colonist invited the father to his house; and a surgeon, employed by a Scotch matron “who was always kind to the French," dressed his wounds. After adminis

tering the rites of religion to two Roman Catholic residents, 3 October. the missionary took leave of his generous friends at Be 15 October. Verwyck, and returned to the Mohawk country, whence he

set out for Canada. Travelling by way of the Oswego and Lake Ontario, he descended the Saint Lawrence to Quebec. Of Europeans, Poncet appears to have been the next after Champlain to visit the borders of Onondaga.*

At the annual meeting of the commissioners, Massachusetts maintained her proud position with a firmness which almost perilled the stability of the confederation. A bitter altercation between the representatives of the other col

onies and the General Court was terminated by an am20 Sept. biguous concession, which, nevertheless, averted hostilities.

11 Sept. Temper of the New Lagland governmients. .

* Tanner, 531-543; Relation, 1648-9, 1652–3, 46–77; Creuxius, 672-682 ; Charlevoix, i., 283-316 ; Hazard, ii., 183 ; Bancroft, iii., 138–142; O'Call., ii., 300-302 ; Hildreth, ii., 87, 88; Macerata Relation, 1653; ante, p. 423.

er.

Baxter's

The Connecticut governments seemed animated by the Ch. XVI: most vindictive feelings; and their own recent historian

1653 laments the refusal of the Massachusetts authorities to bear part in an offensive war against New Netherland, as an “indelible stain upon their honor as men and upon their morals as Christians."*

The commissioners, however, had the power to cause some annoyance to the Dutch; and they used their pow

Thomas Baxter, a former resident of New Amster- Thomas dam, inflamed with zeal in the parliamentary cause, turn- piracies. ed pirate, and committed various outrages on Long Island and the neighborhood. Under an alleged commission from Rhode Island, he seized in Heemstede harbor a vessel belonging to New Plymouth, and also captured a Dutch boat near Manhattan. Stuyvesant promptly dispatched two vessels with a hundred men to blockade Baxter in Fairfield Roads. But the commissioners declared it 66 sary” that every jurisdiction should prohibit all Dutch vessels exclud sels from coming into any harbor belonging to any of the New En

gland haiconfederate colonies, without express license; and made bors. it lawful for each colonie to "surprise and seize” any such offenders. The New Netherland blockading force was, therefore, obliged to retire ; and Baxter continued his depredations against both Dutch and English property, until he was eventually ordered to be arrested by the authorities 2 Dec. of New Haven and Hartford. 1

The hostile feelings of Connecticut could scarcely be repressed. It was thought that Hartford and New Haven were strong enough to subdue the Dutch without any aid from Massachusetts; and Stamford and Fairfield, undertaking to raise volunteers on their own account, appointed Ludlow their leader. These irregular proceedings were suppressed with some difficulty by the government of New Haven, and the ringleaders were punished. An address

neces- 27 Sept.

Dutch vor

ed from

* Hazard, ii., 274-283 ; Trumbull, i., 212; North American Review, viii., 96–105.

+ Hazard, ii., 285–288, 294 ; Alb. Rec., ix., 117, 129, 155 ; New Haven Rec., 31, 34; Col. Rec. Conn., 252, 253 ; O'Call., il., 235; R. I. Hist. Coll., V., 95. Baxter was afterward surrendered on Stuyvesant's requisition ; but escaping from jail, his vessel and house at New Amsterdam were sold.

October. government.

13 Nov.

Livellous pamphlet

CH. XVI. was sent to Cromwell, urging that “the Dutch be either

removed, or so far, at least, subjected that the colonies may 1653.

be free from injurious affronts, and secured against the the english dangers and mischievous effects which daily grow upon

them by their plotting with the Indians and furnishing them with arms against the English." And Hooke wrote from New Haven to the Lord General, that those of the Bay” had broken “the brotherly covenant” in declining to draw the sword; and that, if the Dutch be not removed, “we and our posterity (now almost prepared to swarm forth plenteously) are confined and straitened.” Two or three frigates should, therefore, be sent“for the clearing of the coast from a nation with which the English can not either mingle, nor easily sit under their government, nor so much as live by, without danger of our lives and all our comforts in this world."*

That nothing might be left undone to excite animosity published in England, a rancorous pamphlet was published in Lon

don, entitled " The second part of the Amboyna Tragedy; or a faithful account of a bloody, treacherous, and cruel plot of the Dutch in America, purporting the total ruin and murder of all the English colonists in New England; extracted from the various letters lately written from New England to different merchants in London." In this extraordinary publication the “ devilish project to stir up the savages to assault the New England colonists "on a Sunday, when they would be altogether in their meetinghouses, and murder and burn all which they could effect," was roundly charged against the Dutch, and amplified without scruple, to move popular hostility. The Amsterdam directors immediately ordered the translation of what they termed this most infamous lying libel,” a copy of which they sent to Stuyvesant and his council, “that your honors may see what stratagems that nation employs, not only to irritate the populace, but the whole world, if possible, and to stir it up against us.”+

at London.

4 Nov.

* Col. Rec. Conn., 248; New Haven Rec., 27 ; Thurloe's State Papers, i., 564, 565 ; Trumbull, i., 212, 214, 215.

† Alb. Rec., iv., 121 ; viii., 147-150; O'Call., il., 571. The original appears to be rare. unan

6 Nov.

ny apply to

arrange

.

Negotia

peace with

The company, now seriously alarmed at the danger Ch. XVI. which threatened their American province on the side of

1653. New England, presented to the States General a long memorial, accompanied by various explanatory papers, ask- The.com ing for an immediate confirmation of Stuyvesant's provi-chen States sional agreement at Hartford, and that the boundary ques- their tion might be included in the instructions to the ambassa- boundary dors in England. The importance of the trade to Barbadoes was also urged; and the directors warmly represented that the Dutch interests in America and the West Indies were as worthy of the favor of the Fatherland as were those in the East Indies. The subject was seriously con- 8 Nov ; sidered in the meeting of the States General. But the tion for ambassadors at London were now engaged in discussing, England. with the English Council of State, the details of a general treaty of peace, under the auspices of the new Pensionary of Holland, John de Witt; and, perhaps to avoid embarrassing the more important negotiation, the question of New Netherland was postponed.*

In this critical situation of provincial affairs, with a 11 Nov. bankrupt treasury and a mouldering fort, Stuyvesant was affairs of at length obliged to yield to the demands of the burghers sterdam of New Amsterdam. The principal citizens were called together, and informed that the director had consented to give up a part of the excise; and the meeting unanimously resolved to submit to such ordinances as should be made for the defense of the city. On the same day, a petition of the inhabitants was presented to the municipal authorities, praying that a burgher schout might be chosen, and that the company's fiscal should no longer act as a city officer. Stuyvesant, however, yielded what he had with great reluctance, and with the condition that the city government should support the two clergymen, the schoolmasters, and the secretary. But the burgomasters and 19 Nov. schepens, finding it "incompatible to continue thus," imously agreed to ask their dismission from office, unless the whole city revenue should be surrendered to them.

* Hol. Doc., vii., 63–103 ; Verbael van Beverninck, 603-611; Davies, ii., 722, 724.

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