power to borrow money on the credit of the United States.' The provision is explicit. If the President may borrow money when he pleases, and bind the United States to repay the loan, it is evident that all the property and labor of the country are at his absolute disposal. Yet this braggart Administration, which has boasted year after year about paying off the national debt, as if it were a personal merit of the President, has the effrontery, in the face of all this, to borrow money, to a large amount, without authority of Congress, in order to squander it in payment of electioneering services, through the agency of that pestilential reservoir of corruption, the Post Office Department. It is too late to say this was not the direct act of the President. Deliberately, ostentatiously even, as if it were matter of pride to do wrong, he assumes the responsibility for whatever is transacted in either of the departments. He tells us the public officers are all cap-in-hand subalterns, obeying his orders; the secretaries are his secretaries. Of course, the impeachable misconduct of the Postmaster-General is the President's misconduct. Seeking to throw the odium of it on the Postmaster-General only, is unspeakably base and mean: its blazing 'glory' belongs to the entire Administration.

Sir Robert Walpole's ministry is memorable as the era, when using the public treasure to make partisans became a methodical and regular business of administration in Great-Britain. Of such a state of things it was that Junius said: Corruption glitters in the van, collects and maintains a standing army of mercenaries, and at the same moment impoverishes and enslaves the country.' It is to raise up,-not a true aristocracy, for that implies a government by men possessed of some personal claims of distinction, but--an oligarchy of placemen to govern nation. They talk of a moneyed aristocracy, while they themselves constitute the very worst species of moneyed