equally resting upon a separate will. The will to nominate, and the will to confirm, should each depend upon the general and particular fitness of the nominee for the office to which he is named.-Is it faction for the Senate to deem corrupt Jacksonism unfitness? Then it is equally faction for the President to deem Jacksonism fitness.If party-motive be reprehensible in the former, it is at least equally reprehensible in the latter, and so where the Senate has been factious seventeen times, the President has been factious four hundred and sixty-six times. For the President to act in the system of removing faithful incumbents from office, in order to substitute in their place mere brawling partisans,-for him to contract for the purchase of factionaries, whether in Congress or out of it,-this, indeed, is the worst of all faction, because it is the establishment of a practical tyranny by the corrupt use of the nominating power.-Whatever the Senators do or can do, constitutionally, to cripple this machinery of executive usurpation by the proper use of the rejecting power, they are bound by their oaths and their honor to do; for if the President has a constitutional right to nominate individuals to office because of their party-services, the Senate has exactly the same constitutional right to reject them because of the same party-services; and thus we keep straight the balance of the Constitution.

No man, or set of men, high or low, attached to the party in power, has any right to complain of whatever severity of language applied to the corrupt use, which the Administration have made of the public funds. First, no severity of language can outgo the truth of the case. Then, being a truth of universal public concernment, it is to be published. And to publish it is but retributive justice. For the last ten years, they and their organs have been perpetually clamoring about corruption. It was shocking corruption in Adams to appoint one member of Congress