life. Some time after, a person named McLeod was arrested in the State of New-York for his participation in that outrage. The British government avowed that it approved of the conduct of McLeod, and that under the law of nations he was justified. An application was made to the Supreme Court of New-York, on habeas corpus, to discharge McLeod, but this was refused. In the House of Representatives, Mr. Pickens, of South Carolina, submitted a report opposing the doctrines of the British government. Mr. McKeon sustained this report, and insisted that the State of New-York had a right to try McLeod-that the Caroline affair involved the questions of the invasion of the territory of New-York, the burning of the property, and the murder of one of her citizens. A violent feud having arisen between Mr. Tyler and Mr. Clay, it was supposed it would induce many of the Democracy to become supporters of Tyler's administration. Mr. McKeon, in a severe review of Tyler's appointments and semiwhig recommendations, denounced the policy of any union with a leader selected by the opponents of the Democracy, and repudiated an alliance sought to be secured by the bestowal of official patronage. In 1842, the Democratic party had to deplore the loss of Mr. McKeon as a representative in Congress. The election in that year resulted in favor of Hamilton Fish, the Whig candidate, and now Governor of the State of New-York. On retiring from Congress, Mr. McKeon immediately resumed the duties of his profession, and in 1844 was active in his opposition to the nomination of Mr. Van Buren as the Presidential candidate. The developments made during the session of Congress had in his opinion fully disclosed, that in the negotiations with Great Britain, arising out of the burning of the Caroline, Mr. Van Buren exhibited anything but the proper American spirit. Although a warm advocate for the nomination of General Cass, yet to that of James K. Polk he gave a hearty support. Mr. Van Buren and his friends, disappointed in their attempts at a third nomination for the Presidency, made strenuous but secret efforts to defeat Mr. Polk. The country sustained him, and the Democracy had the proud gratification of witnessing a brilliant administration founded on the republican principles of Jefferson. When it became manifest that territory must be acquired in consequence of the war with Mexico, Mr. Van Buren and his friends attempted, through the means of the Wilmot proviso and the discussion of the question of slavery, to embarrass the administration. Before the conclusion of the war with Mexico, Mr. McKeon, in an address presented by him at Tammany Hall, was the first to denounce the Wilmot proviso as a firebrand of disunion.' The course pursued by Mr. Van Buren in relation to it-the injury sustained by the Democratic party in the loss of their Presidential candidates, Cass and Butler, the bad feelings engendered between the North and the South, and threatened disruption of the Union, have shown the sagacity of Mr. McKeon in early taking ground against the measure. In 1845 Mr. McKeon was selected by the Common Council as the District Attorney of the city of New-York, and was triumphantly elected by the people to the same office under the New Constitution of 1847. It is an office, one of the most responsible and arduous in the State. In a large city like New-York, a great tide of crime is continually swelling. It requires activity and energy in no moderate degree to conduct the affairs of the office of Public Prosecutor with success. Mr. McKeon has discharged the duties of the office with a fearlessness and zeal which can never be surpassed, and an efficiency and ability which have won for him additional honors as a lawyer and an advocate. The election of Mr. McKeon by the people was but a response to the frequent resolutions of thanks offered by the Grand Juries for his faithful services. Mr. McKeon took a prominent part in endeavoring to obtain for the emigrants arriving in our city some amelioration of their condition, and for that purpose advocated the law which organized the present Board of Commissioners. As an orator, Mr. McKeon is forcible and eloquent, warm and enthusiastic. He is distinguished in action by his energy-in repose by his af fability. Courteous in his manners, resolute in his temper, he unites the energies of a strong will with the warmer affections of the heart. The great principle of human freedom has been his polar star. It has displayed itself at every phase in his life. It has governed his conduct and guided his actions. Unaided by fortune or powerful friends, he has, by his own energy, won for himself a distinguished position and exalted name We cannot but trust, that in the changes of the times, he is soon to behold the restoration of the government, in all its departments, to the hands of that Democracy whose doctrines he has always sustained. JAMES A. SEDDON, OF VIRGINIA. WE have already alluded to the part taken by Mr. Seddon, in the contest between Messrs. Brockenborough and Cabell, for the honor of representing Florida in the 29th Congress. These gentlemen were both the personal friends of Mr. Seddon, more particularly the occupant of the seat, who was connected with him by family ties. So situated, Mr. Seddon was called upon to make up his judgment, solely upon the merits of the case, based upon the returns and the laws of Florida, as applicable thereto. This he did, with his usual high-toned independence of character-regardless of party considerations, or the claims of friendship. The result was a decision in favor of the contestant; and the powerful argument he delivered upon that occasion was indispensable, as explanatory of his proposed vote. In the last number of the Review, when treating of the connection of Mr. Seddon with the canvass for the 30th and 31st Congresses, some expressions were used, which, upon reflection, might lead to erroneous impressions; we have therefore thought it right to recapitulate more accurately. As the last session of the 29th Congress approaches its close, Mr. Seddon, impressed with a strong disinclination to be again a candidate, and understanding that it was the desire again to put him in nomination addressed to a personal friend a letter, designed for publication, declining that honor, for reasons growing out of his preference for private life. This letter being communicated to some of the most influential Republicans of his district, elicited such prompt and energetic remonstrance, as induced it to be withheld. It was strongly urged upon Mr. Seddon, that his withdrawal at that juncture would prove disastrous, and that he should postpone his personal predilections for the sake of the general cause. Submitting to these representations, Mr. Seddon allowed his name again to be put forward. Up to that time there had been no manifestation of dissatisfaction with his Congressional course; but, on the contrary, there was every reason to believe that it had met the general and cordial approval of the Democracy of the metropolitan district of Virginia. A very brief period, however, before the termination of the session, there arose a warm controversy, originating in the ttack made on Mr. Calhoun, in consequence of his opposition to the Mexican war, and in the action which the Senate had taken, with reference to the course of the editors of the Union, in some publications, reflecting on that body. This controversy gave rise to division and distraction in the ranks of the Democracy of Virginia, more especially in the district represented by Mr. S., where the senior editor of the Union had so long lived, and was so favorably known as the former editor of The Richmond Inquirer. The intensity and bitterness of feeling which marked the controversy were there greatly increased, through the efforts of many gentlemen to ascribe opposition to the Mexican war, and an assault on the liberty of the mass, as the ends of those whose views upon the points in issue were at variance with their own. Hence, the coincidence of opinion which it was known Mr. Seddon generally entertained with Mr. Calhoun, and his affiliation with the party of which that great statesman was the acknowledged leader, caused Mr. S. to be viewed, in connection with this controversy, with somewhat of distrust and asperity by some of the Democratic opponents of Mr. Calhoun, possessing no little influence in the district. Previous to the termination of the session, and, of course, while Mr. Seddon was in Washington discharging his representative duties, meetings were held in one or two of the counties of the district, at which resolutions were passed, expressive of distrust, and condemnative of his supposed opinions upon the points of the pending controversy, and steps were taken to summon a nominating convention, with a view to recommend some other candidate. On his return, without loss of time, Mr. Seddon visited the counties of the districts where meetings were yet to be held, and addressed the people in full and candid explanation of his course, both on the general political topics of the day, and on the particular matter involved in the unpleasant controversy above referred to. The result was, that in every county where he had the privilege of meeting the people, complete satisfaction was given to the great majority of the party, and delegates were selected, pledged to, or known to be disposed for, his re-nomination. When the convention met, by a very large majority-we believe by a majority of the delegates from every county of the district, except one-he was re-nominated; but after that nomination, a resolution was offered by some of the dissentients reflecting on the course which had been pursued by Mr. Calhoun and his friends. Under the idea entertained by Mr. Seddon's friends, that the passage of this resolution would serve to conciliate the luke-warm to his support, and remove whatever vestiges of dissatisfaction at his nomination might be remaining, it had been permitted to pass. When notified of his nomination, Mr. S. was likewise incidentally apprised of this resolution, and at once determined that he could not accept an honor which had been accompanied by an intimation that might possibly be construed into a censure on his course, or that might diminish his moral weight. He consequently proceeded at once to the convention, (yet in session,) and, after acknowledging, in appropriate terms, the kindness intended to have been manifested towards himself, positively declared his inability to accept a nomination which, after the adoption of the resolution in question, could not fail to be urged upon the public, as indicative of distrust on the part of the convention, to the injury of his just influence. Mr. S. made no appeal for the re-consideration of the resolution, as was erroneously stated in the first portion of this sketch; for he did not entertain, nor did he allow to prevail, the idea that he would accept the nomination after the passage of the resolution. The activity of Mr. Seddon in the last Presidential canvass, referred to in the April number of the Review, was confined, in a great measure, to the important work of reconciling to the support of Gen. Cass the numerous and talented wing of the Democracy of Virginia, known as the friends of Mr. Calhoun. Viewing the Nicholson letter, as it was generally understood at the South, Mr. S. hesitated not to direct his influence to this work,so necessary to secure the electoral vote of the State in its wonted channel. His efforts, and those of his friends in this direction, were crowned with triumphant success-the Calhoun-men rallying with great unanimity to the support of the nominees of the Baltimore Convention. In explanation of the circumstances connected with the canvass for the present Congress, we would further remark, that the name of Mr. S. was brought forward in opposition to his oft-repeated wish. Indeed, had it been known that in despite of his declared disinclination his name would be brought before the convention, there would have been no opposition to his nomination. Instead of expecting or desiring a nomination, Mr. Seddon was not unfrequently solicitous for the selection of another, a personal friend, and a young gentleman of high talents and great promise, and attending the convention, both publicly and privately urged earnestly on the members to prefer that gentleman. He, on the other hand, had been with not less friendly zeal, desirous to overcome the repugnance of Mr. Seddon to re-enter public life, and had only acquiesced in submitting his name to the convention, under the supposition that Mr. Seddon's known disinclination would prove controlling. Peculiar circumstances growing out of the course which had been-at the previous nominating convention of the party-pursued towards Mr. Seddon, and the very general impression that, in consequence, he could most efficiently heal all remaining dissatisfaction in the party, as is believed, controlled the convention to disregard the declared wishes of Mr. S, and to insist on making him the nominee of the party. Between himself and his friend there was no other rivalry than a generous emulation to prefer the cause of the party to personal considerations, and consistently, therewith, for each to advance the preferment of the other. To a nomination, conferred in a manner so flattering, and under circumstances so peculiar, a high sense of duty on the part of Mr. S. made acceptance imperative, He accordingly relinquished his preference for private life, and entered on the canvass with all the zeal, ability, and activity he could command. The result, as we have before stated, was his election in a district-which, at the Presidential canvass immediately preceding, had given a Whig majority of more than 400-by a positive majority over the votes of both his distinguished opponents united. The task of the writer would be incomplete, were he to omit referring to the speech of Mr. Seddon, delivered in the House of Representatives of the United States, on the 9th of January, 1847, in answer to remarks submitted by Mr. Preston King, two days before, when under the subterfuge of a personal explanation; that person had Jesuitically taken occasion to make an abolition speech, urging, among other points, the exclusive right of the North to all the territories that might subsequently be acquired. In this masterly effort, Mr. Seddon clearly foretold the sectional estrangement, which could not fail to spring from the action of the majority, in insisting upon carrying out any such principle in the future legislation of Congress. It is difficult, indeed, to read this eloquent speech without being struck with the almost-prophetic sagacity, marking his anticipations of the result of urging the proviso, as therein proclaimed. Step by step, he traced the purposes of the spirit of anti-slavery, as they have since been worked out; and he no less clearly foretold what was to be their effect upon the people of the Southern States, in the matter of shaking their devotion to the Union. It is worthy of remark, too, that his positions relative to the rights of the South therein assumed, have been as closely adhered to by the Southern members of the present Congress, as though they had been formally adopted after due consideration and mutual agreement. Heaven avert the calamity to which Mr. Seddon significantly, if indirectly, pointed out, as the certain end of the supremacy of Mr. King's views, upon the duties and powers of the general government, and those sympathizing with him, a dissolution of the Union-which, as all thoughtful and patriotic citizens are already aware, looms up in the not-far-distant future-only to be averted by the administration of the government in the matter of the rights and rival interests of the North and South, in the spirit in which the Constitution was framed. THE DREAM. "And dreams in their development have breath, And tears and torture, and the touch of joy."-BYRON. I. I SAW a vision in my sleep, and deemed Whose very bloom did to the air impart II. It was the hour of vespers-from above The stars were gleaming in their hallowed light, The waters were all tranquil in their rest, Near them the dove was mantled in her nest, Where palm trees waved in cadence to the sighs III. Beneath, a fountain rose in wanton play, Laving the lilies with its silver spray ; Whose moonlit showers in light murmurs fell IV. Acacias in luxuriance did unfold Their trellised leaves and bloom of richest gold, In ample wreath bedecked the glossy hair, Which o'er her snow-white forehead seemed to wave, Yet 'twas a placid sadness-such as grows From the mind's musings, not from mortal woes. |