vernment, whether those measures were injurious or conducive to the public good. Some parts, however, of his majesty's speech, had struck his mind very forcibly, and upon those he would briefly deliver his opinion. The circum stances which occurred respecting the proposed concessions to the Catholics, and the differences which on that occasion took place between his majesty and his late ministers, ren dered it impossible that those ministers could remain in office, and rendered an appeal to the people absolutely ne cessary. He rejoiced at the effect of that appeal, he rejoi ced that addresses had poured in from every quarter of the country, evincing the most zealous and steady loyalty and attachment to his majesty's government, and to the consti tution of the country, and whilst he regretted that any of these addresses should convey a censure upon many eminent characters, he should have still more regretten if no such · addresses had been presented. It was greatly to be la mented that a subject should have been agitated, which, of all others, was the most likely to inflame and irritate men's minds, he hoped that that irritation would now be allayed, and that union and concert would invigorate the hands of government, and strengthen the country. In alluding to one topic mentioned in his majesty's speech, namely, the unfortunate events which had taken place in the sea of Marmora, and in Egypt, he did not wish to cast censure any where until those documents were before the House, which could enable it to decide with propriety. He trusted, however, that in the mean time no attempt would be made to throw the blame upon the officers employed on those services. The events were most unfortunate; but he trusted they would only prove an additional incentive to our gallant soldiers and seamen, to efface their memory by splendid victories and brilliant achievements. He trusted also that the measures since adopted would have the desired effect, of inducing the Porte to adopt those measures which were consistent with her real interests. There was another topic in his majesty's speech to which he wished to advert, although it was rather addressed to the House of Commons than to their Lordships, inasmuch as it formed an additional argument for the address which he should move, he alluded to the wish expressed by his majesty, that they should proceed in these inquiries respecting the economy of the public money, which they had commenced in the last Parliament. This was an additional incitement for their Lordships to express to his majesty majesty their loyalty and attachment, whilst it proved that there was not the slightest wish that these inquiries should be dropped, which had been interrupted by the dissolution of Parliament. It was his most ardent wish that upon such an occasion, engaged as we were in war, carrying on a contest in which all the energies of the country were required to be exerted, and when, as in the present case, the speech from the throne was temperate and conciliatory, that there should be an unanimous vote. If that, however, in the present state of parties, and under the present differences of opinion, was not to be expected, he trusted that they would be at least unanimous in expressing their cordial, zealous, and loyal attachment to his majesty, whose mild and benignant government, and whose unerring discretion in the exercise of his royal prerogatives, called loudly for that tribute to his numerous virtues. His Lordship concluded by moving an address to his majesty, which, as usual, was nearly an echo to his majesty's speech. The proposed address having been read by the Lord Chancellor, Lord Rolle rose to second the motion, so ably introduc ed by the noble earl, for an address to his majesty, expressing our sincerest thanks for the gracious communica, tion in his majesty's speech. Being unaccustomed to speak, he requested the most candid indulgence of their Lordships. No consideration whatsoever should ever have induced him to take a part on this day, but his loyalty and attachment to the best of sovereigns, his love and veneration for our inestimable constitution, and his high respect and esteem for those sentiments and feelings which so very recently actuated his majesty's conduct in one of the most trying situations in which any British monarch was ever placed. At this most awful and serious crisis, he considered it the duty of every good subject to rally round the throne, shield the constitution, and give every countenance and support to his majesty's person and government. The Catholic question, the real cause of the dismissal of the late ministers, and the appointment of the present, had been so often discussed and decided on, that he would not trouble their lordships with any unnecessary renewal or repetition. It was very much to be lamented, that the question was again agitated, after having been so solemnly and satisfactorily decided on in both Houses by such very numerous and respectable majorities. It might have been hoped that the subject would have been allowed to have been been at rest at least during his majesty's life. It could not, he thought, be the wish and intention of those on whom his majesty had conferred so many honours, favours, and kindnesses, to have endeavoured to embitter the latter days of that excellent and good man; the rectitude of whose public principles can only be surpassed by his private virtues-those virtues which have endeared him to his people, in whose hearts he lives, and to whose judgment as an ho nest man, he has submitted his whole conduct, by the dissolution of the Parliament. Did they think by a deception to have entrapped, or did they expect by their threats to awe him into an aquiescence? His good sense, his resolution and firmness, have saved the country from being thrown into the most alarming and dangerous state. Was there imperious necessity which demanded the agitation? or can it be accounted for on any rational principle? It could tend to no good: it could have been productive of infinite mischief, by distracting and dividing the country, at a moment when unanimity was never more requisite to meet the many difficulties and dangers with which this country is struggling, against a most formidable, inveterate, and determined enemy. His Majesty under the existing circumstances could not act otherwise than he did, by rejecting the measure, and dismissing the men in whom he could no longer confide, and who, by their most extraordinary, unprovoked, and unparalleled conduct, drove him to that necessity. His majesty's conduct was not instigated by the impulse of the moment, but proceeded from a resolution long before formed, after the most mature and deliberate consideration and reflection. His Majesty has, ever since he came to the throne, most solemnly declared, he never would give his assent to such a proposition, which struck at the main pillars of the constitution. He considered it as incompatible with those religious principles, which, at the expence of so much bloodshed, placed his family on the throne: likewise that it would be a direct violation of his coronation oath. On a former occasion his majesty had the satisfaction of having the rectitude of his principles and conduct investigated and confirmed by his Parliament; and on a recent occasion he has had the consolation of finding that his conduct has, as he has every reason to believe, met with the concurrence and approbation of the country. His majesty, by virtue of his prerogative, appointed his present ministers, in justice to which choice it is incumbent од " on us to give them a fair and impartial trial; to permit them to bring forward their measures; to judge of them by such; on the merits or demerits of which let them rise or fall to look to measures not men. He hoped that par ty resentment would not be carried to such heights as to induce any person to bring forward abstract questions and motions, which could have no other tendency than to ha rass the ministers, and impede the public service. The direct contrary line of conduct would be most creditable. to themselves, and more beneficial to the country. The noble earl who moved has very ably and judiciously commented on all the leading topics in the speech, therefore Lord Rolle would only detain their lordships shortly with a very few observations. He had the greatest satisfaction in observing that his majesty is using every endeavour for bringing closer the ties by which his majesty is connected with the powers on the continent. That he is giving every aid consistent with our own precedence and safety to enable them to resist the ambition and oppression of France. In this opinion, the men most eminent for their abilities of all parties have concurred, that it is the interest of this country to connect herself with such powers as shall be most likely to form a barrier against the common enemy. Most truly did he lament that the mediation to bring about a peace be tween Russia and the Porte had failed, with the melancholy losses of so many very gallant and valuable lives: it would be both unfair and unjust to comment on the supposed causes of this failure, until the proper papers and informa tion can be produced, on which to form an impartial and competent judgment. He expressed his happiness at find ing, that an inquiry is resolved on to ascertain whether any savings can be effected in the public expenditure, and above all, a most zealous and immediate investigation, whether any abuses have occurred in the receipts and expenditure. He most sincerely hoped that these inquiries would be most seriously followed up, in justice to the public. Economy was never more requisite than at this instant: our resour ces are, thank God, still great, but they require the most prudentialmanagement and application. It is most seriously to be wished, that party dissensions would be set aside, and all the abilities, weight and consequence of the country united in one common cause for the general good against the common enemy. For these reasons, as a plain country gentleman, he most heartily supported the address. Earl Fortescue, when he considered the manner in which the : the last Parliament was dissolved, and the speech which had been now put into the mouth of his majesty, could not avoid expressing his greatest surprise at the conduct of his majesty's ministers. The last Parliament, beyond any other, had teemed with measures of the greatest impor tance to the country, many of which were interrupted by its sudden and abrupt dissolution: a dissolution which had also heen productive of the greatest inconvenience and distress to numerous individuals, from the interruption given to a great number of private bills. It had been urged by the supporters of the present ministers, that this inconvenience might be easily remedied by taking up those bills at the stages where they were left but this operated to establish a principle pregnant with the utmost danger to the country, and he did not believe that the noble and learned lord upon the Woolsack would defend the principle of resorting, upon such an occasion, to a suspension of their standing orders. He could not forget the solemn mockery with which the Scots judges were ordered to attend at the bar of the House, whe. it must be well known to his majesty's ministers that the bar would be, as it was, closed against them by the King's commissioners coming to the House to prorogue the Parliament. Viewing all the cir cumstances under which the last Parliament was dissolved, he could only consider that dissolution as a strong and arbitrary measure: a measure to which those ministers alone were entitled to resort who possessed the confidence of the country. What pretensions had the present ministers to the confidence of the country? they had already been tried in the public balance, and had been proved wanting. They had only received the accession of a gentleman, certainly highly respectable, who had quitted his own profes sion to embark in politics, and who had since chiefly distinguished himself by fulminating anathemas, not only against catholics, but against all descriptions of meetinghouses, nay, even against synagogues; in short, against every person who would not sign the test of the infallibi lity of the present administration. After the Parliament was dissolved, the most jacobinical means was resorted to, to inflame and irritate the country; a cry of "No Popery" was set up, commencing with an address to the electors of Northampton, bursting into open riot at Bristol and Liverpool, and extending over the whole country the most irritating and inflammatory influence. It was indeed fortunate, that the horrors which were witnessed in the VOL. I.-1807. metropolis D |