Ordered, on the motion of Mr. Dundas, that the usual annual accounts of the East India company's revenue, expenditure, and charges, for the years 1802-3, 1803-4, and 1804-5, together with estimates for the year 1805-6, be laid before the House:

Mr. Dundas brought up the bill for the better regulation of the governments of Fort St. George and Bombay, and for the better regulation of Banks in the East Indies. Read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time on Monday next.

Mr. Jeffery gave notice, that he should on that day se'nnight submit a motion to the House respecting its privileges. The subject to which his motion would refer, was the detention of the writ for the election of Poole for three weeks after it had been issued. He could not say whether the delay happened before or after the sheriff had received the writ.

The Speaker informed the honourable member, for his convenience, that, according to the practice of the House, when any complaint of this nature was preferred, the course was, to order the messenger of the great seal, or any other person against whom misbehaviour, or imputed misbehaviour, was charged, to the bar, before any proceeding was had upon the subject in the House.

A committee was appointed, on the motion of Mr. Dent, to take into considera ion the state of the commercial interests of the West India islands.

The reversion grant prevention bill was read a third time, and passed.

The Secretary at War obtained leave to bring in a bill, for regulating the manner of paying the half-pay officers in his majesty's service. The bill, he observed, was the same as one which had been in its progress through the House in the last session.

IRISH INSURRECTION BILL.

Sir Arthur Wellesley, in pursuance of his notice, rose to move for leave to bring in a bill, for the suppression of insurrection in Ireland, and to prevent the disturbance of the peace in that country. The House would remember, that the circumstances, which preceded and attended the suppression of the late rebellion in Ireland, had rendered stronger measures than the established laws afforded, necessary in that country. An act was therefore passed by

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the Irish Parliament, in the year 1796, to prevent unlawful assemblies, and to authorise the lord lieutenant on a report of the magistrates, to proclaim any county where disturbances existed. That law required all persons in such counties to keep within their dwellings between the hours of sun setting and sun rising, and gave to the magistrates the power of sending persons who should be found to of fend against it on board his majesty's navy. The act had proved effectual for the suppression of the insurrection, as appeared from the acknowledgement of the leaders of that insurrection before a committee of the Irish Parliament. But, though such a law may be necessary, it was the duty of that House to guard against the abuse of the powers which it gave. The bill he proposed to bring in contained the same provisions as the insurrection act, with respect to the power of the lord lieutenant to proclaim disturbed counties, and the authority of the magistrates to arrest persons who should be found out of their dwellings between sun setting and sun rising; but, in order to prevent hardships to the subjects, the bill required that persons so arrested should be tried at the quarter sessions by the magistrates and assistant barrister, assisted by a king's counsel, a serjeant specially sent down for that purpose. Besides this bill, he meant to move for leave to bring in another to prevent improper persons from keeping arms, by obliging all persons to register their arms, and authorising the magistrates to search for arms. These bills had been prepared by his predecessor, and the only difference was, that the bill of his predecessor gave a negative to the king's counsel or serjeant, which he proposed to take from him, as it appeared to him that such a negative would render the measure nugatory. He meant, however, to substitute a clause, which should, in case of any difference between the serjeant and the bench, suspend the execution of the decision of the magistrates, till the serjeant should have reported the matter to the lord lieutenant.

Sir John Newport wished to know what was to be the duration of the bill.

Sir Arthur Wellesley proposed seven years, but his mind was not yet made up on that head, which might be a subject for future discussion in the committee on the bill.

Sir John Newport had asked the question, because he thought that the shortest possible duration should be given

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to bills which created such extraordinary powers. It was his opinion, that the bill should be annual only, but the proper time for discussing the merits of it would be when the bill was before the House. He thought it much better to give the negative to the serjeant who should be sent specially down, as the assis ant barrister might by acting constantly with the magistrates be inclined to decide with them.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer agreed with the hon. ourable baronet that seven years would be too long a period, for which to enact the bill. As to the other point, respecting the negative of the king's serjeant or counsel, he thought it wiser to defer the discussion of it until the clause should be before the House, and the honourable ba ronet should have an opportunity of judging, whether it was not qualified in such a way as to obviate his objec tions. He was sure it would not be satisfactory to the feelings of the magistrates of this country, nor he supposed of the magistrates of Ireland, that there should be unus inter pares, whose opinion was to controul all the rest. He agreed that it was desirable to guard against the effect of local prejudices, and it was with that view he understood his honourable friend to state, that in case of a difference, the decision of the magistra es should not be put into execution till the king's counsel or serjeant should have made å report of the case to the lord lieutenant. The serjeant or king's counsel was to be sent down at the express nomination of the government, and the only person then who was to have pay; and in that view it was not desirable to give a person so appointed a direct controul over the decisions of the sessions. He thought it better to defer all discussion upon the subject till the bill should be before the House. They were agreed that the measure was necessary; and he trusted they were all equally desirous that provisions should be made for the exercise of the powers to be given by the bill, in the most lenient and mitigated manner.

Mr. O'Hara thought that the operation of the bill would be attended with much expence, and that it could not be expected that the barrister or serjeant should reside constantly in a disturbed county, and if they did not, they could not attend sessions, which might be to be held from week to week.

Mr. Lyttleton thought it extraordinary that such a measure as this should proceed from the gentleman who

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charged the gentlemen on his side with exciting a ferment in the country, by reviving religious animosities, when the gentlemen opposite had laid so solid a foundation for the tranquillity of Ireland, by cutting off all hope of an equal participation of rights, which was the strongest incentive to loyalty and good conduct.

Colonel Vereker was not surprised that this bill should be opposed by the gentlemen on the opposite side, as their whole conduct, for some time back, had been directed to excite religious animosities amongst the people of Ireland.

Lord Howick had lately heard many speeches that surprised him, but never one that astonished him more than that of the honourable gentleman who had just sat down. The honourable gentleman, surely, could not have been a witness of what had been passing, when he charged the gentlemen on the side of the House from which he was speaking, with exciting religious animosities. It was a similar misconception in the honourable gentleman to suppose and state, that they were opposing a measure which was in some degree their own measure. Though the honourable gentleman had imputed motives to them, he should not impute any motive to him: he only adverted to the matter, in order to caution him how he again hazarded such unfounded charges. He admitted that this was not the stage for discussion, but he had to observe, that the right honourable gentleman opposite had not been governed by the advice he had given to the House, as he had entered into a statement to shew, that the alteration proposed was for the better. He should say a few words to shew, that the original clause was preferable. By the alteration, the serjeant was to report, in case of difference, to the lord lieutenant, and the consequence would be, that the magistrates would also report, which would lead to unpleasant discoveries. Besides, this would be a circuitous operation, that might be better done by the negative of the king's serjeant or counsel, which once recognised, would be cheerfully aquiesced in, and it was to be remembered, that the negative was to be against conviction, and in favour of the subject.

Colonel Vereker, in explanation, stated that he had not been in the House when his honourable friend had opened the question, and had heard only the speech of the honourable gentleman under the gallery, which was certainly in opposition to the bill.

Mr.

Mr. Grattan was concerned that a bill of that nature should be necessary. But this and every other such bill was a violent measure, and against the principles of the constitution. The period of such measures ought to be short, in order to shew to the people that they had at least a reversionary interest in the constitution. These measures could only be justified by an imperious necessity. Of the objects of his honourable friends, they were to unite all classes of subjects. If they wished to provide effectually for the defence of the empire, they should identify with the rights of the Irish people. If they could not identify in rights, they should unite to keep out the natural enemy of the empire.

Mr. Sheridan viewed this question in a very different light from his friends on the bench near him and the honourable gentleman opposite (Colonel Vereker), had only anticipated an opposition which this measure was to encounter. His right honourable friend had said, that the measure could only be justified by one imperious necessity; now it was that necessity which he wished to have clearly made out to exist before the measure was resorted to. It was no answer to him that the measure had been prepared by his friends. If it had, the threshers were then engaged in their disturbances and administering unlawful oaths. Ireland was now on the contrary as loyally tranquil as any part of the empire. Would they state in the preamble of the bill," Whereas a very small part of Ireland was some time ago disturbed by the threshers, and whereas that disturbance has been completely put down by the ordinary course of law, and Ireland is now completely tranquil, be it therefore enacted, that most extraordinary powers, &c." (A loud laugh.) This was the case, however, and until it should be shewn to him that the necessity for the measure existed, he should oppose it in every stage.

Mr. Whitbread thought that the measure had never been, and ought not be, enacted for so long a period as seven years. [It was here uggested that the act had been continued for seven years by the Parliament of Ireland in 1800, and would expire in this summer.] At any rate it had at first been enacted but from year to year. He found himself in different circumstances from his right honourable friend (Mr. Sheridan) as to the measure; for he must look upon it as necessary, inasmuch as a com