The tooth of malice never rankles more,

Than when it bites and healeth not the sore.'

Sir James Lowther, who was Governor Johnstone's second, all readers of Junius must be well acquainted with. His being son-in-law to Lord Bute, was quite sufficient for Junius to take up the Duke of Portland's case, which is fully examined, 12th May 1768. It had previously been discussed in the House of Commons, in the course of the debate on Sir George Saville's Quieting Bill, for which Lord George was a strong advocate.

Sir James formed part of the expedition to St. Malos, with the Duke of Marlborough and Lord George, to the latter of whom he had given offence. I cannot find that Sir James went out in any official capacity, but merely as a lookeron. Some imprudent observation might easily have given this umbrage. After the Nullum Tempus affair in 1768, he was not again noticed by Junius, until this duel had taken place, when the subject, which appeared fully at rest, was again resumed, to expose the litigious spirit of Sir James. The coincidence is not a little singular, although it was matter of no moment to Lord George who was the Governor's second; nevertheless, it appears to have awakened recollections of former enmity.

From this period to the year 1775, the speeches of Lord George were principally on India affairs,

and those of America. He was decidedly against appointing supervisors in India, and he voted against impeaching the Directors of the East India Company, which was agitated in 1772. The debates on India affairs were carried on at this period with much acrimony, invective, and violence; but on all occasions Lord George appears to have been influenced by no party spirit : he voted conscientiously, gave his opinions with moderation, and preserved a strict regard to the merits of the case. It was on American affairs that he was most calculated to influence the House. His knowledge of that country, through the medium of his intimate friend, Lord Amherst, and others who had served there during the war, was far more extensive than that of India. This is also a characteristic trait in Junius.

It was,

at length, discovered that his personal assistance was required, to extricate ministers from the labyrinth in which they were entangled. On March 28, 1774, he laid down so clearly the measures which ought to be adopted in the present crisis of affairs, that Lord North publicly thanked him for his hints, observing at the same time," that they were worthy so great a mind." The substance of the speech alluded to, was principally applicable to the government of Massachuset's Bay, which might be extended to other parts of the colonies.

"It may not be improper," Lord George ob

served, "to enlarge a little upon this occasion, and to ask for further information, to know whether this is to be the extent of the proposition with regard to the salutary measures that are to be made and taken in the Committee during this session; if so, sir, I should be glad to give my opinion, and add my mite of preservation to that country. I could have wished that the noble Lord, when he was framing this scheme of salvation, would have at least considered, that there were other parts of the internal government, necessary to be put under some regulation. I mean particularly the internal government of Massachuset's Bay. I wish to see the council of that country on the same footing as other colonies. There is a degree of absurdity at present in the election of the council. I cannot, sir, disagree with the noble Lord, nor can I think he will do a better thing than to put an end to their town meetings. I would not have men of a mercantile cast consider themselves as ministers of that country. I would not have such men every day collecting themselves together, and debating about political matters. I would have them follow their occupations as merchants, and not consider themselves as ministers. I would also wish that all corporate powers might be given to certain people in every town, in the same manner that

X

corporations are formed here; I should then expect to see some subordination, some authority and order. I do not know by what powers those are to be formed, but I would wish them to be formed by some.

"Again, sir, I think that the method of grand juries ought to be much attended to; they are now chosen for life, and have a yearly salary; and these are the men to whom your life and property are entrusted. Your people know to whom to make application, when law and justice are wished to be subverted by favour and affection. Your petty juries are elected annually, so many persons in each town; to these men of fenders know how to apply; and when any riot happens between the military power and the people of the town, the power of life and death of the offender is lodged in those who are offended. These juries I think require great regulation; they are totally different from ours, and, in my idea, carry with them not only the highest degree of absurdity, but are subject to be led aside to commit the highest and most palpable enormities against justice and the laws of the land. I would not wish to protract the noble Lord's bill, by lengthening it out to a degree which he does not wish to go, nor to oppose the measures which he has already adopted. I would wish to bring the Constitution of America as

similar to our own as possible. I would wish to see the council of that country similar to a House of Lords in this. I would wish to see chancery suits determined by a Court of Chancery, and not by the Assembly of that province. At present their Assembly is a downright clog upon all the proceedings of the governor, and the council are continually thwarting and opposing any proposition he may make for the security and welfare of that government. You have, sir, no government-no governor; the whole are the proceedings of a tumultuous and riotous rabble, who ought, if they had the least prudence, to follow their mercantile employments, and not trouble themselves with politics and government, which they do not understand.

"We are told by some gentlemen, Oh! do not break the charter! do not take away their rights that are granted to them by the predecessors of the Crown! whoever, sir, wishes to preserve such charters, without a due correction and regulation-whoever wishes for such subjects, I wish them no worse than to govern them. Put this people, sir, on a free footing of government; do not let us be every day asserting our rights by words, and they denying our authority, and preventing the execution of our laws. Let us persevere in refining that government which cannot support itself, and proceed in the man