sal censure. The origin of Junius's animosity is at once explained; even domestic affairs, unconnected with politics, being at times the subject of his pen.

In Letter XXIX. he says

"Let the friends of the Duke of Bedford observe that humble silence which becomes their situation. They should recollect, that there are still some facts in store, at which human nature would shudder. I shall be understood by those whom it concerns when I say, that these facts go farther than to the Duke."

Lord Orford continues

"On the 23d of January, 1760, he was acquainted that he should have a court-martial. It was appointed, and General Onslow constituted president. A messenger was despatched to Prince Ferdinand to send over evidence. To General Balfour, nominated one of his judges, Lord George objected, on the score of former enmity between them..

"On the 28th of February, Lord Barrington acquainted the House of Commons, that Lord George Sackville had been put under arrest for disobedience of orders. The Speaker had been much averse to the trial of a member, who was no longer in the army, and hoped it would be opposed but it was not. Lord Milton, brotherin-law of Lord George, was empowered by him

to say, that the trial was what he earnestly desired. Lord Barrington then moved an address of thanks to the King for the communication, and for his Majesty's tenderness of the privileges of the House. This being readily agreed to, Lord Barrington said it was nemine contradicente: but Doddington had faintly said no, and the Speaker said there had been a negative. Sir Francis Dashwood then said, that he had not opposed the address, as Lord George wished the trial; but he hoped the measure would be considered hereafter in some mutiny bill, and that the time might be limited how long persons who had quitted the army should be liable to martial law. Doddington added,

That every body seemed to agree it ought not to remain law; that he did not think it law; nay, that Lord George might have been tried while he was a military man. Martial law was growing upon us, would eat up the banks and overflow the whole. The mutiny-bill fell to the ground every year, but, like the giant, recovered new strength on touching it.' Sir John Rushout added, that were he in the army, he would not sit on the trial of any man out of it. Sir Francis Dashwood promised to call for a revisal of the mutiny-bill, if nobody else did.

"The next day the court-martial met. When Lord George Sackville appeared before it, seeing

General Balfour on the bench, he said, 'he thought that officer had not been to sit on him, he having made his exceptions, and having been told Balfour should not be of the court.' Balfour said, 'he came not to be a judge, nor desired to be, but to know the exception, which he thought touched his honour'-a strong proof how dissonant courts-martial are from the spirit of the English constitution, which does not understand that persons accused are to be awed by points of romantic honour from excepting against their jury, if suspected of enmity or partiality. Lord George pleaded in opposition, that Balfour had exercised against him in the Ordnance. The court-martial voted that reason insufficient, but told Balfour they would excuse his attendance if he desired it--which he did. They had no such power either of voting the exception invalid, or of excusing him. The King had appointed him, and had allowed the exception. Their next step was more respectful to the laws, and came from a quarter which was not suspected of much tenderness to the prisoner. Lord Albemarle asked him if he was in the army? the judge-advocate, for the prisoner, answered, No. The court then was cleared, and adjourned to the following Thursday, desiring to have the opinion of the Judges, whether a man no longer in the army was subject to martial law. The

attorney and solicitor-generals had determined in the affirmative, grounding their sentiment on those words of the mutiny-bill, All persons being officers on the 25th of March, and committing such and such faults within the course of the year, &c.' These words being in force as long as the bill, they thought comprehended such persons for the same period.

"Lord Albemarle had gone farther; he had asked if the court was empowered to inflict any punishment under capital on the delinquent. This provision of tenderness was not expected from the favourite of the Duke of Cumberland, or from one who had expressed himself warmly enough against Lord George. Private reasons were sought for this conduct by those who would not suppose that in that trial any motives but those of passion or interest would be hearkened to. They who canvassed Lord Albemarle's behaviour under such prejudice accounted for it by the Duke's envy of Prince Ferdinand, and desire of rescuing even that hated criminal from his vengeance-yet were those but surmises, not corroborated by any appearance of acrimony in the complexion or conduct of the judges. So ill, however, was Lord Albemarle's obstruction of the proceedings accepted by the King, who now pushed on the trial angrily and indecently, that his mother, Lady Albemarle, was omitted in the

private nightly parties at the Court, and not spoken to in the morning drawing-room. The King went further; Prince Ferdinand was impatient for the return of the officers; General Onslow, president of the court-martial, was member of another on Lord Charles Hay, a brave but mad officer, who having in America reflected on the dilatoriness of Lord Loudon, had been put under arrest by him. Onslow at that trial was seized with an apoplectic fit and died.

"The King was so impatient of any delay on Lord George Sackville's case, that the Duke of Newcastle, at four in the afternoon, was ordered to send to the Secretary of War (Lord Barrington), then in the House of Commons, directions to have a new commission made out that very evening, that not a day might be lost. Four more members too were added to the Court, to guard against any deficiency, the law allowing not a greater number than twenty-one, nor less than thirteen.

"Ten Judges (the other two, Bathurst and Clive, of which the former held Lord George's trial illegal, being absent on the Circuit,) gave their opinions, that, as far as they could then see, he might be tried; but they reserved to themselves a further consideration, if any appeal should be made from the sentence. On