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This bust stood until lately on the north front of the old Market-house, with the following inscription:

"Forum, utilitati publics perquam necessarium, Regis Caroli 9dl. innuente Majeitate, propriis sumptihus erexit perfecitque D. Edoardus Hungerford, Balnei Miles, —i M.DC.LXXXII."

The cross, or rather saltire, on his breast, which should have been represented within a shield, is the ancient badge of the order of the Bath.

On the key-stone of the gateway was carved the crest of Hungerford, a garb, or wheatsheaf, between two sickles, rising from a ducal coronet.

Sir Edward Hungerford was made a Knight of the Bath at the Coronation of King Charles the Second,

April 23, 1661. His name has lately appeared more than once in the pages of the Gentleman's Magazine, from his being one of the chief patrons of archery in that reign. It is signed to the Finsbury ticket, by which that subject was first introduced, in the number for February, p. 113. He was Lieutenant-Colonel of the Regiment of Archers in 1661, and Colonel in 1682. f

Although Sir Edward Hungerford had three wives, and had children by all, I his ancient family seemed to expire with him; for by him the last remaining part of the once extensive property of the main line of the Hungerfords. was dismembered and alienated. § He assigned his estates to trustees for the benefit of his creditors.

* Hoare's Hungerfordiana, p. 116. f Wood's Bowman's Glory.

J See Hoare's Hungerfordiana, p. 31.

§ The wife of the celebrated John Evelyn had an uncle Edward Hungerford, esq. whom they visited in 1654 at Cadenham in Wiltshire, afterwards at a farm at Darn fun! Magna; and at a seat at Horninghold in Leicestershire. This was Edward Hungerford, of Cadenham, esq. who married Susanna, daughter nf Sir John Pretyman, and sister to Lady Browne, Mrs. Evelyn's mother. He died in 1667; and was succeeded by his son Sir Genrge Hungerford. These facts are mentioned; because it is remarked by the editor of Evelyn in a note, that Sir Edward Hungerford, K.B. presented to the Vicarage of Horninghold in 1676 (Nichols's Leicestershire, vol. II. p. 610) 1 which seems to identify the Knight of the Bath with the individual Evelyn called his uncle. As the Sir Edward Hungerford, K.B. of 1676, could have been none other than " the Spendthrift," of Farley, there must certainlv have been some intercourse between the two branches of the family regarding the — — at Horninghold. They appear, however, from Hoare's Hungerfordiana, to have distant cousins: their connecting ancestor having been so far back as Sir EdliiDgerfurd, who died in 1484. There is in the History of Leicestershire no other ition regarding the Hungerford estate at Horninghold, than the single presentation to the living.

by whom Farley Castle and manor were sold in 1686 to Henry Baynton, esq. of Spye Park.* He lived, however, to an advanced age; and at the time of his death, in 1711, he is said to have been one of the Poor Knights of Windsor/f"

During the greater part of his life he enjoyed the privilege of freedom from arrest, by having a seat in the House of Commons. In the Restoration Parliament he sat for the borough of Chippenham; for which he was rechosen in 1661, 1678, 1679, and 1681; in 1685, 1688, and 1690, he was elected for New Shoreham j and in 1695, 1698, 1700, and (though not in 1701, again in) 1702, for Steyning.

Mrs. Crewe, a descendant of the Hungerfords, among other portraits of the family, had one of Sir Edward Hungerford *' the Spendthrift." J Thriftless him selfe, but, ljke the goode

HU rotteo waste did fertilise the lande 1 And others' thriftye totle hathe wrought the cure,

A goodlie Mercatt joines the busie Strand.

J. G. N.


(Continuedfrom p. 90 1597. HISTORIANS afford us little information of the plague which appears to have severely handled the northern part of the kingdom this year, judging from the following extracts from the parish register of Carlisle: "The plague broke out Oct. 3, 1597, and raged here from Sept. 22, 1597, to Jan. 5, 1598;" added that "680 persons were buried there." That more died we learn from an inscription on the north wall of the vestry at Penrith quoted by Camden, A. D. 1598, "Ex gravi peste qua; regionibus hisce incubuit obierunt apud Penrith, 2260; Kendal 2500; Richmond 2200; Carlisle 1160."

1603. The plague broke out in London this year, and raged to such a degree, that 38,000 persons were computed to have died of it in 12 months, though the whole population of the city amounted only to about 150,000 inhabitants.

1604. We find little account of its progress out of the metropolis, but that it extended far and wide there can be no doubt. Its ravages may be estimated by what is said of it in King's Vale Royal. In Nantwich, in about ten months, the deaths were 500, being equally violent in Chester and other parts of the county. In Manchester 1000 died out of the then population of 8000 (its population by the census of 1831 was 270,961 !) It was supposed that those places which showed most hospitality to all who fled from London during the plague, were less visited by it than others. It prevailed in Chester indeed so early as 1602, continuing there till 1605, when it was particularly fatal; in 1603 650 persons having died, and in 1604 about 980. At one period the weekly average was 55. The fairs were suspended. The Court of Exchequer was kept at Tarvin, and the assizes at Nantwich, where, however, as we have just seen, the mortality was considerable.

1625. The reign of Charles I. was ushered in with an ominous visitation of pestilence, which, as Baker (Chronicles, p. 570,) tells us, broke out in London more dangerously than in the beginning of his father's reign, insomuch that the King was fain to adjourn the Parliament, because of the thin appearance of members by reason of the contagion. Its effects in the metropolis may be collected from the title of two pamphlets, viz. "London's Lamentation for her sinnes, and Complaint to the Lord her God, with a sovereign remedy against the Plague, by W. C. Crashaw, pastor, at White

* Britton't Beauties of Wiltshire, vol. III. p. 313.

t Hoare's Hungerfordiana, p. 38. J Ibid. p. 119.


I Hu

Chapel;" and "London's Complaint against her children in the country for their inhumanity during the Plague. By Benjamin Spenser, M.A. Reprinted in Morgan's Phoenix." How far it extended into the country, we know not; but we have authority of its existence in Cheshire, from the following curious instance of self-inhumation, extracted from the parish register of Malpas; and we also know that it was only kept out of Chester by extraordinary precaution. "Richard Dawson being sicke of the plague, and perceyveing he must die at that tyme, arose out of his bed, and made his grave, and caused his nefcw to oast strawc into the grave, which was not farre from the howse, and went and layd him down in the sayd grave, and caused clothes to be layd uppon, and soe departed out of this world; this he did, because he was a stronge man, and heavier than his sayd nefew and another wench was able to burye."

1647, 1648, 1649, 1650. In Lysons's Cheshire it is said, that in that county between June 22 and Oct. 21, 1906, persons were carried off by a contagious disorder, supposed to be plague, and probably continued more or less for the two or three years; as in King's Vale Royal, it is stated that a great plague broke out at Chester in Midsummer, and carried off 2000 people, and that grass grew in the streets of the High Cross; and in Malcolm's History of London, are inserted directions for burying those who died of the plague.

1665. Hitherto we have merely quoted from old historians and chroniclers, who have furnished few particulars; but we now come to a fearful visitation, whose pathway may be traced in the familiar pages of Biographical Memoirs written at the time. It is singular indeed that two such standard historians as Hume and Rapin scarcely allude to its existence further than briefly mentioning the sum total of deaths. De Foe in his well-known fictitious, yet well-founded narrative, has indeed fully made up for their deficiency; and the reader who wishes to become, we may almost say, a spectator of the awful scene, has but to consult that vivid picture. Lingard too has given us an admirably condensed view of the disease, its progress, symptoms, and

effects ; we shall therefore chiefly confine ourselves to two writers, who recorded in their diaries the continuous impressions and feelings and facts as they occurred; it need scarcely be added, that we refer to the Memoirs of Pepys and Evelyn. We shall preface our quotations from their records with a short summary.

In the winter of 1664, it seems a few isolated cases of plague had occurred in the suburbs of London; sufficiently numerous, however, to excite alarm, and turn the attention of the public to the variations in the bills of mortality. The season was as usual cold, but attended with frequent changes of weather, which the sanguine hailed as favourable to health; but still, notwithstanding their hopes and anticipations, the undeniable fact that the number of deaths was on the increase, augured ill, and considerable agitation and apprehension prevailed in all ranks; when at length, at the latter end of May, all speculations were put an end to by the disorder showing itself under the influence of an incipient summer's sun and unusually stagnant atmosphere, in that focus (then as at present) of filth, profligacy, and misery, St. Giles's. Radiating in all directions from that central spot, it flew on the wings of death in all directions, at the same moment threatening the cou rt at White hall and the recesses of the city. A general panic prevailed the high and low. The King and Court fled to Salisbury, and soon afterwards established themselves at Oxford, whither the Parliament and courts of law soon followed. The Queen, preferring her native air, retired to France. From Evelyn and Pepys we learn that scarcely a family remained in the infected places, whenever removal was practicable. A solemn fast was proclaimed throughout the land. London would indeed have been deserted had not the Lord Mayor refused to grant certificates of health, without which the country people refused the entrance of strangers into their villages, the approaches to which were guarded on every side; recklessness soon conspired to increase the mortality; Pepys informing us that the dead were buried in open fields, apparently at the caprice of the officers superintending this department, under a pretence that room was wanted in the regular cemeteries. Evelyn speaks of "many coffines exposed in the streets Bow thin of people," all the way from the City to St. James's, and of the danger of infection from an accumulation of pestiferous beggars surrounding his carriage when it stopped. The consequence of families breaking up their establishments, and flying to secluded spots for safety, may well be conceived. Above 40,000 servants were supposed to be thrown out of employ, and trade was at a stand; thus further entailing misery and want on a multitude of dismissed workmen of all descriptions. Private charity, in addition to Royal and public bounty, did all it could, the King subscribing weekly 1000/. and the City 600/.; but these were but temporary palliations, and whether from want of nourishment, uncleanly habits, or profligacy, increased by despair, the mortality increased with tenfold violence amongst the lower orders, carrying off a large proportion of children and females. Within a month, however, of its commencement, all ranks fell before it without distinction, upwards of 1000 being the weekly average; though double that number, it has been asserted by some, might have been nearer the truth; for what with concealment on the one hand, and the short pause between the infliction of the death-stroke and its termination, accounts were very inaccurately kept, and of course the business of minute inquiry in the most infected quarters was one little sought after and little attended to. Indeed, but for the operation of strong and compulsory laws, the Metropolis might have speedily become a loathsome receptacle of pestiferous bodies in every stage of decay, under the burning influence of a peculiarly dry and scorching summer. Every house, on the immediate attack of a single inmate, was compelled to exhibit a crimson cross on its door, with an annexed inscription, "Lord have mercy upon us." On the appearance of this awful signal, it was placed under strict quarantine; for 30 days none were allowed to pass its threshold, and the living were doomed to linger on a dreary existence in company with the dying or the dead. Instant death was the punishment of him who with a plague spot upon him escaped in despair from his domestic pYison. A local police were

on the watch for the removal of those who expired in the streets, and at night a melancholy bell announced the approach of the pest-cart, rendered visible by the glare of torches, into which the offensive remains of those who had perished during the course of the last 24 hours, were carelessly and indecently thrown. Coffins we have seen above were, at least in the early stage of this dreadful season, prepared and exposed in the streets; but these were soon dispensed with, and the unshrouded, uucoffined corpse was cast without a funeral prayer, or mourner's sigh, for the former was not permitted to be read, nor the presence of even the nearest friend in the latter capacity allowed, into one common receptacle for the victims of one common mortality. The effect of such a scene upon the human mind may easily be conceived. As good or evil prevailed in the hearts of men, so were the fruits thereof apparent in excess. Accordingly some splendid instances of self-devotion and disinterestedness shed their bright lustre in this dark region of woe; but, as the prophet declares, wickedness prevaileth in the hearts of the multitude—so were the fruits of vice luxuriant and appalling. It will be no exaggeration to assert, that not a deed of darkness was left uncommitted by the wretches who prowled, uncontrolled by the laws and opinions of man, to violate and despoil property and persons alike unprotected. Superstition too and fanaticism availed themselves of so inviting an opportunity for displaying themselves in all their wildness and folly. Signs and wonders were seen in the heavens above, while the ghosts of the dead walked upon the earth beneath; a flaming sword, it was asserted, had been seen by multitudes to quiver at midnight in the clouds, extending from Westminster to the Tower; and while the timid believed the real presence of this unequivocal sign of God's wrath, a pretended preacher of his Word walked naked through the City with a pan of burning coals upon his head, denouncing upon the Metropolis the fate of Nineveh, "Yet forty days, and London shall be overthrown." London indeed was not overthrown, but during the 60 days of July and August, the average number of deaths reported umounted daily to 537. The night was no longer sufficient for the burial of the dead; at all hours they were borne along, and as no human prudence had been found effectual for checking the disease, preventive laws were repealed, or became obsolete; and the few remaining tenants of nearly desolate dwellings were permitted to wander at pleasure to meet with death or relief, amidst streets grown over with grass; for nothing but the most urgent business now induced the uninfected to venture abroad. There were no greetings in the market-place in this time of mourning and sorrow. On the contrary, the few who appeared avoided every fellow-being they met with, or kept the middle of the street, to avoid the possibility of contact As a last resource, the Lord Mayor and Aldermen ordered constant fires to be kept in the streets and lanes throughout the town for three days and three nights, but without the slightest effect, or, if any, with a bad effect; for the month of September, which was ushered in by the fiery system of purification, was more malignant than its predecessors. Hitherto, those who were attacked looked forward to something like a chance of recovery, but now even hope fled, for he on whom "the tokens," as they were called, appeared, sunk with a certainty of rising no more, his fate being usually sealed in 24 hours, and seldom protracted to the heretofore limit of three days; and no less than 10,000 deaths occurred in the second week of this fatal month. The winds of the autumnal equinox at length, however, set in, and from that moment a perceptible change for the better was apparent; until in December the cruel enemy had nearly disappeared, though for months to come a few cases lingered in the metropolis; but in various parts of the country it raged with more or less violence during greater part of the following year.— We have no data for ascertaining the sum total of mortality throughout the kingdom, but it must have been immense, when it is known that probably not less than 130,000 perished in London alone.

It may be necessary to conclude with a concise account of symptoms, which were in their commencement very similar to those of incipient fever, viz. shivering, nausea, head-ache, and

delirium; for a time the patient suffered little inconvenience from these, but dark spots called "the tokens" shortly ensued, and, if so, death speedily closed the scene.

No rational causes can be assigned for this visitation; but it is worthy of remark that it commenced, aa well as those of 1625 andl636, in St.Giles's or Whitechapel, the latter the resort of butchers, whose shambles were not under the same regulations for cleanliness as in our days. This, together with the unusual drought, no doubt were disposing causes; it being, as Baxter tells us, " the dryest winter, spring, and summer, that ever man alive knew, or our forefathers mention of late ages, so that the grounds were burnt like the highways, and the meadows where I lived having but four loads of hay, which before bare forty." With a further account, conveying the vivid impression and sentiments of an eye-witness, we shall conclude our narrative of this event, "The calamities and cries of the distressed and impoverished, are not to be conceived by those that are absent from them. Every man is a terror to his neighbour and himself; and God for our sins is a terror to us all. O! how is London, the place which God hath honoured with his Gospel above all places of the earth, laid low in horrors, and wasted almost to desolation by the wrath of that God whom England hath contemned! A Godhating generation are consumed in their sins, and the righteous are also taken away, as from greater evils yet to come. Yet under all these desolations, the wicked are hardened, and cast all on the fanatics; the true dividing fanatics and sectaries are not yet humbled for former miscarriages, but cast all on the prelates and imposers; and the ignorant vulgar are stupid, and know not what use to make of any thing they feel. But thousands of the sober, prudent, and faithful servants of the Lord are mourning in secret, and waiting for his salvation, in humility and hope they are staying themselves on God, and expecting what he will do with them."—He then proceeds to state facts: "The richer sort removing out of the City, the greatest blow fell on the poor. At first so few of the more religious sort were taken away, that, according to the mode of too many

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