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boroughs which could return him over and over again. It is evident also from an attentive perusal of Junius, that the writer prepared himself for such an event, by the infinite pains he took to investigate the cases of Walpole, Wilkes, and Wollaston.
In allusion to the speech just quoted, Junius observes :
13 Dec. 1770—“Let it be known to posterity, that when Lord Mansfield was attacked with so much vehemence in the House of Commons, on Thursday the 6th instant, not one of the Ministry said a word in his defence.”
Article XVI.-That from the manner in which Junius upholds rotten boroughs, it is highly probable they either constituted part of his property, or that he was in some way connected with them.
Sept.7, 1771–Private Letter to Mr. Wilkes
“ As to cutting away the rotten boroughs, 1.am as much offended as any man at seeing so many of them under the direct influence of the crown, or at the disposal of private persons, yet I own I have both doubts and apprehensions, in regard to the remedy you propose: I shall be charged, perhaps, with an unusual want of political intrepidity, when I honestly confess to you, that I am startled at the idea of
so extensive an amputation. In the first place, I question the power de jure of the legislature to disfranchise a number of boroughs upon the general ground of improving the constitution.
“There cannot be a doctrine more fatal to the liberty and property we are contending for, than that which confounds the idea of a supreme and an arbitrary legislature. I need not point out to you the fatal purposes to which it has been and
may be applied. If we are sincere on the political creed we profess, there are many things which we ought to affirm, cannot be done by King, Lords or Commons. Among these I reckon the disfranchising a borough with a general view to improvement. I consider it as equivalent to robbing the parties concerned of the freehold of their birth-right. I say, that although this birth-right may be forfeited, or the exercise of it suspended in particular cases, it cannot be taken away by a general law, for any real or pretended purpose of improving the constitution. I believe there is no power
in this country to make such a law.”
The answer to this article is very short, and will be noticed in a summary of his Lordship’s life.
It is sufficient to observe here, that Lord George sat in parliament in 1775, for his own borough of East Grinstead.
Article XVII.-That Junius considered a strict regard should be paid to the public expenditure, that the national debt might not be increased.
Sept. 7, 1771—The House of Commons are indeed too ready in granting large sums under the head of extraordinaries incurred, and not provided for. But the accounts lie before them; it is their own fault if they do not examine them. The manner in which the late debt upon the civil list was pretended to be incurred, and really paid, demands a particular examination. Never was there a more impudent outrage offered to a patient people.”
21 Jan. 1769—“ If his plan for the service of the current year be not irrevocably fixed on, let me warn him to think seriously of consequences before he ventures to increase the public debt. Outraged and oppressed as we are, this nation will not bear, after a six years' peace, to see new millions borrowed, without an eventual diminution of debt, or reduction of interest."
The same opinion was maintained by Lord George in the House of Commons, particularly in the year 1764, towards the close of the German War. “ In an eloquent speech he pointed out the difference in the expence of Queen Anne's War and the present ; that though in the former we had near 180,000 troops employed
on the Continent, and in the present not above half the number, yet the expence now was much greater than at that time-which he was confident must be owing to the mismanagement of the German War. He was of opinion that the expences the nation had already borne were so great, it was impossible to obtain any further supplies ; that, therefore, he feared he should see the time, when we should come to a full stop for want of money to carry on the war, That he bled to see his country in such distressed circumstances, and concluded, with hoping that he might never live to see the day, whenwe, as a powerful nation, should be obliged to ask a favour of those who ought to beg it of us."
The national debt at that time was about one hundred and fifty millions. What would he
Article XVIII.—That Junius was against disbanding the army, although a firm friend to the marching regiments. He was also in favour of impressing seamen.
Private Letter to Mr. Wilkes, No. 66., 7 Sept. 1771—“ As for refusing to vote the army or navy, I hope we shall never be mad enough to try an experiment every way so hazardous.”
Letter to the King, Dec. 19, 1769.-" You take the sense of the army from the conduct of
the guards, with the same justice with which you collect the sense of the people from the representations of the ministry. Your marching regiments, Sir, will not make the guards their example, either as soldiers or subjects. They feel and resent, as they ought to do, that invariable distinguishing favour with which the guards are treated; while those gallant troops, by whom every hazardous, every laborious service is performed, are left to perish in garrisons abroad, or pine in quarters at home, neglected and forgotten. If they had no great sense of the original duty they owe their country, their resentment would operate like patriotism, and leave your cause to be defended by those to whom you
have lavished the rewards and honours of their profession. The prætorian bands, enervated and debauched as they were, had still strength enough to awe the Roman populace; but when the distant legions took the alarm, they marched to Rome and gave away the Empire.”
“ The number of commissioned officers in the guards are to the marching regiments as one to eleven; the number of regiments given to the guards, compared with those given to the line, is about three to one, at a moderate computation; consequently the partiality in favour of the guards is as thirty-three to one. So much