employed six months in condensing and bringing into a mass all his labours and researches, and he had laid before the house the result of his six months' concoction. After so long an absence from his parlia. mentary duty, he presented himself, at the end of the session, just in time to tell his constituents that he had been labouring for the service of the navy. All the resolutions, with the exception of the first, constituted a gross and scandalous libel on the navy; and although the house could not consent to become parties in the libel, he assured the noble lord, that if he thought proper to write a pamphlet on the subject, instead of making a speech or proposing resolutions, he would pledge himself to answer it. All his statements and assertions were unfounded imputations against the navy, against the house, against the country. He trusted they would be met with a decided negative, for the sake of the glory, the reputation, and the valour of the navy-of that great bulwark of our national independence, and of that safeguard of our liberties and happiness. He therefore implored the house, if the noble lord dared to try the question, to reject it by such a majority as would mark the sense and indignation of

the house.

The motion was accordingly negatived without a division.

July 7, in the house of lords, earl Bathurst rose and observed, that the victory which their lordships were now called upon to commemorate, was of a nature as decisive in itself, and as gigantic in its results, as any which had graced the military annals of England. Not only were the enemy defeated and driven off the field, but they had lost all their artillery, their stores,

their baggage, and, in short, every thing that constituted the materiel of an army. They had been compelled to abandon the strong military positions on the Ebro, which they had been fortifying for months, and where they reckoned upon making a stand, if forced to relinquish that portion of Spain which they had previously held. But the great talents of lord Wellington were not less displayed in the decisive battle of Vittoria, than in the skill with which the campaign had been planned, and the rapidity with which it had been conducted. Indeed the enemy, confounded and subdued by superior skill, even before the action, seem not to have displayed that valour for which they have been distinguished on other occasions. They appear to have fought with spirit only on two points: the one on their right, where it was their object to cover or regain the main road to France by Bayonne, but in which they were completely repulsed by the troops under sir T. Graham: the other point was on the left, where they endeavoured, in vain, to retake the commanding positions that were forced and maintained by the division of sir Rowland Hill. It was in this part of the field that colonel Cadogan received the wound which cost him his life. Feeling that his wound was fatal, he made it his last request to his brother soldiers, that they would convey him to a small eminence in the rear. There, seated with his back leaning against a tree, he gazed on the field of battle till death shut his eyes in darkness. He was a gallant officer, as brave in action as amiable and respecta ble in private life. He (lord Bathurst) lamented sincerely the losses which our army sustained; but he believed they would be found inN 3

con

considerable, when compared with the magnitude of the victory which had been gained; a victory that would be ever memorable in the annals of this country, and of which it was impossible to calculate the beneficial consequences. It was not a little remarkable, that near the spot where this battle was fought, another victory had been obtained in one of the proudest days of England's martial glory. It was when Edward the Black Prince defeated the usurper of the crown of Spain, who on that occasion was supported by French troops. How different, however, under all the circumstances, was that battle from the present! How incomparably superior were the resources of France at the present day, compared to what they were then! and how much greater the talents of the man who was at the head of her government! Then France was only an auxiliary; now she was a principal; the victory of the Black Prince was only the result of a single campaign, but this of a series of campaigns. Could such a victory as the present have been foretold to Edward, how would it have cheered him to have seen the martial glory of his country still supported, and that his name would be transmitted to posterity, united to another exploit of a still higher order! Lord Bathurst concluded with moving, "That the thanks of this house be given to field-marshal the marquis of Wellington, for the energy and distinguished skill with which he has conducted the late operations of the campaign in Spain, and particularly for the splendid victory which he obtained over the enemy in the neighbourhood of Vittoria."

Lord Rosslyn rose merely for the purpose of expressing his acknow.

ledgements to those who had advised the prince regent to confer a mark of military honour on lord Wellington, which was almost as unexampled as his services.

The marquis Wellesley, at the close of an eloquent speech, said the victory they were now cele brating was an achievement which would shed an eternal lustre on our history-a victory to be held in everlasting remembrance, and one which would excite the admiration and applause of Englishmen to the latest posterity.

Lord Holland was aware that he could add nothing to what had been said on the subject in the forcible and eloquent speech of the noble mover; and yet, considering that no man felt a warmer interest than he did in the cause of the peninsula, he was unwilling to give merely a silent vote. From the commencement he hailed the progress of lord Wellington, and, in his own mind, could not help conceiving that he was marked out to achieve the great object which there was now the happiest prospect of seeing accomplished. The necessity of the case, and the nature of the circumstances, were calculated to bring forward the talents of a great genius. When he saw lord Wellington, like another Fabius, conquering by delay, and restraining the impetuosity of his army at one time; at another seizing the unexpected opportunity, and drawing success from retreat; and now saw him with a superior force turning it to the utmost possible account; seeing his transcendent merits in all these particulars, he could not help saying, that parliament had never voted its thanks upon sounder principles,or for juster reasons.

Lord Lauderdale suggested that

a monu

a monument ought to be erected to the memory of col. Cadogan.

Lord Liverpool said, that as a member of the government, as a peer, and as a man, he was bound to attend to that suggestion; and more particularly as colonel Cadogan had been a private friend and acquaintance.

Lord Castlereagh made a similar motion in the house of commons, which was carried nem. con.

July 14, in the house of commons, Mr. Wilberforce rose, pursuant to notice, to move an address to the prince regent for the production of such information as had been received with respect to the conduct of the Portuguese government, in consequence of the treaty signed at Rio de Janeiro in Feb. 1810, in which treaty the prince of Brazils had pledged himself to cooperate with his Britannic majesty, by adopting the most efficacious means for the gradual abolition of the slave trade throughout his dominions. The hon. member read the words of the treaty, containing a statement of the grounds upon which this pledge was entered into, and observing that he need not remind the house of the resolutions in the same strain, adopted in 1806 and 1810, for promoting the abolition of this odious traffic. He expressed his satisfaction that our government had evinced the utmost sincerity and zeal in its endeavours to accomplish the object of these resolutions, not only in the treaty alluded to, but in its more recent communications with Sweden. Therefore he wished it to be distinctly understood, that he did not mean to impute any disappointment of the wishes of justice and humanity upon this interesting subject, to any want of zeal or exertion on the part of our own govern

ment. But he was sure the house would hear with peculiar concern, that accounts were received, of the correctness of which there could be no doubt, that notwithstanding the solemn pledge of the prince regent of Portugal, the trade of the Portuguese in African slaves lad, since the abolition ofthat traffic, increased in a very considerable degree, and accompanied too with fresh circumstances of aggravation, with such circumstances, indeed, as were outrageous to common humanity. After expatiating with the most impressive eloquence upon these descriptions, the hon. member expressed his hope that Portugal, which in fact owed to our navy the protection of the very vessels thus ignominiously occupied, would be yet brought to act upon her treaty, and to respect the rights of justice and humanity.

Lord Castlereagh expressed an entire concurrence with the senti ments of his hon. friend, and acknowledged his forbearance in not bringing forward his motion at an earlier period, in consequence of the disappointment alluded to. He lamented that disappointment; but as it would be impossible to lay any information upon this subject before the house within the present sessions, he submitted whether it would not answer his wishes better to withdraw his motion at present, giving notice of his intention to bring it forward again, if he saw occasion, at an early period of the next session.

On the 22d of July parliament was prorogued by the prince regent; on which occasion the speaker of the house of commons addressed his royal highness in a long speech, which, with the speech from the throne, will be found among the Public Papers.

N 4

CHAP.

HE change that took place in

Tthe political and pork pappear.

ance and condition of Europe, in the course of the year 1812, was so great and momentous, and burst upon the astonished and delighted eyes of the friends of human independence and happiness so suddenly and unexpectedly, and in such a complete and perfect form, that we consider ourselves not merely justified, but imperiously called upon, to devote this first chapter of the historical department of our work to a rapid sketch and development of the causes which produced it. We have called it a moral as well as a political change; because we are firmly and clearly of opinion, that every great political change in the state and condition of nations must be preceded, accompanied and follow ed by a moral change; and to this moral change historians in general, too much occupied with the detail of battles, or with the characters of kings, and what are called and esteemed great military and political men, have paid too little attention and respect. We are induced to take this retrospect, because, while the change was taking place, or rather while the consequences of its having begun to operate were manifesting themselves, it was impossible for the mind to view them stea

dily, clearly, and comprehensively.

In the midst of the wonderful events

of the year 1812, succeeding each other as they did with so much rapidity, and confounding the conjectures and calculations of the most profound and experienced politicians, the heart was too much. elated, the faculties of the mind were too much overpowered, to see them in all their importance, to trace them back to their causes, or to anticipate the consequences which they were likely to produce. The annalist too, obliged from the very nature and object of his work to confine his attention to the events and transac tions of the passing year, is necessarily cut off from those comprehensive views which the historian (especially if he writes when all is before him, and when the feelings which such events as those which occurred last year are calculated to excite have subsided into tranquil. lity, and given room and opportu nity for cool and sober judgement and reflection to come in and exercise their powers,) can minutely and fully attend to.

Before, however, we enter into a development and explanation of the causes which have tended so completely, and we trust permanently, to alter the appearance of Europe, and the fate and fortunes of her inhabitants,

habitants, it may be proper to point out those causes which had brought the continent into that abject and miserable condition from which it has now emerged: this we are inclined to do, because, if we are not much mistaken, it will appear that in both cases the political and moral changes were brought about nearly at the same time, and from the same causes. In this sketch of the events and transactions which occurred at the commencement of the French revolution, and of the means by which the French government were enabled to subjugate by far the greatest portion of the continent of Europe to their power, we shall carefully abstain from all reference to party topics or politics: the day is certainly now arrived, when the most zealous and sanguine admirer of the French revolution at its commencement, must admit that he was grossly and fatally mistaken in the ideas which he formed of its origin, nature, character, and probable effects on the happiness either of the French nation itself or of mankind in general; while, on the other hand, those who, either from more profound and elightened views of man, from a more perfect knowledge of the French character, and of the persons who acted the chief part at the commencement of the revolution, or from the violent antipathy which they entertained against every thing which had the appearance and held out the prospect of promoting the liberty of the human race;-all these, we say (for there were opponents of the French revolution of all these classes), must allow, that the operations of the combined powers against France originated not in the most noble or disinterested views, nor were conducted with sound wisdom and policy.

With regard to the origin of the French revolution, we are strongly disposed to doubt, whether there. existed, at the time, any very general or very powerful feeling of the oppression under which, in many respects, the bulk of the French nation laboured: we are far from denying that their condition, in many respects, was bad, and both admitted of and required melioration; but we would lay it down as a sound and undoubted position, that when nations, as well as individuals, have been brought up in a state of slavery and political degradation and misery, they are nearly, if not quite, insensible to its existence: they do not know the meaning of the terms freedom and independence; and till they are enlightened, all appeal to them on this subject will be in vain. But there is one feeling and sentiment which all nations entertain, and which among even the most ignorant, abject, and enslaved, are sufficiently active and powerful to stir them up to the most determined and persevering acts of self-defence: we mean the feeling and sentiment of national independence. It may seem strange that it should be so, and the speculative politician may ridicule and reject the notion;-but all history, and especially the history of the last four years, most unequivocally and abundantly proves, that nations totally ignorant of the rights of civil, political, and religious liberty, and insensible to their calls, will be roused whenever their national in dependence is attacked. Spain and Portugal are instances in point; and there can be little doubt that even the inhabitants of Turkey would be animated with a much greater share of heroism, if their country were attacked by a foreign foe, than if they were called to fight for the

blessings